--- Page 1 --- - : --- Page 2 --- --- Page 3 --- --- Page 4 --- --- Page 5 --- Democracy After Slavery TERSITY P *UWF FAMU O UNF *UF *UCF *USF *FGCU FAU JSTEM FIUX Florida A&M University, Tallahassce Florida Atlantic University, Boca Raton Florida Gulf Coast University, Ft. Myers Florida International University, Miami Florida State University, Tallahassee University of Central Florida. Orlando University of Florida, Gainesville University of North Florida, Jacksonville University of South Florida.Tampa University of West Florida. Pensacola --- Page 6 --- --- Page 7 --- Democracy After Slavery Black Publics and Peasant Radicalism in Haiti and Jamaica Mimi Sheller University Press of Florida Gainevill/Tallhase//Tampa/lBoca Raton Pensacola/Orlando/Miami/lacksonville/t, Myers --- Page 8 --- 0 Copyright text Mimi Sheller 2000 @ Copyright illustrations Macmillan Education Ltd 2000 Published in the Unitcd Kingdom as part of thc Warwick University Caribbean Studies Series hy Macmillan Education Ltd., London and Oxford Published simultancously in the United States of America by thc University Press of Florida All rights reserved 05 04 03 02 01 00 6 5 4 3 2 Printed in China Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Sheller. Mimi. Democracy after slavery: black publics and peasant radicalism in Haiti and Jamaica/Mimi Sheller. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references (p.-) and index. ISBNO-8130-1883-8 1. Haiti- -History - 1804-1844. 2. Haiti -History 1844-1915. 3.. Jamaica History 19th century. 4.. Jamaica - History Insurrection. 1865. 5. HaitiForeign relations-Jamaica. 6. Jamaica Foreign relations -Haiti. I.Title. F1924.S54 2000 972.92'04-dc21 00-057696 The University Press of Florida is the scholarly publishing agency for the State University System of Florida, comprising Florida A&M University. Florida Atlantic University, Florida Gulf Coast University. Florida International University. Florida State University, University of Central Florida, University of Florida, University of North Florida, University of South Florida, and University of West Florida. University Press of Florida 15 Northwest 15th Street Gainesville. FL32611 htpy/www.apf.com Acknowledgement Theauthor and publishers wish to acknowledge. with thanks, the following photographic source: Lithograph by Daumier. C Collcction Viollet.p. 83 scholarly publishing agency for the State University System of Florida, comprising Florida A&M University. Florida Atlantic University, Florida Gulf Coast University. Florida International University. Florida State University, University of Central Florida, University of Florida, University of North Florida, University of South Florida, and University of West Florida. University Press of Florida 15 Northwest 15th Street Gainesville. FL32611 htpy/www.apf.com Acknowledgement Theauthor and publishers wish to acknowledge. with thanks, the following photographic source: Lithograph by Daumier. C Collcction Viollet.p. 83 --- Page 9 --- Preface Democracy. After Slavery is an and Haiti at a critical period in important their comparative study of Jamaica moments in post-emancipation Haiti histories. Sheller focuses on two of 1844 and the 1865 Morant and Jamaica: the Piquet Rebellion the popular movements Bay Rebellion. Both rebellions for highlight two societies after the abolition democratization which characterized the Haiti and in Jamaica 'did of slavery. For Sheller, subsistence not simply retreat into a ex-slaves in and conservative values. world of peasant gies toward changing structures They turned their collective enerHowever, in each case, former of domination wherever they could'. reluctant to move toward real slaves met with resistance: elites were major rebellions Sheller describes. democratization, resulting in the two freedwomen, there was Despite the efforts of a significant retreat freedmen and and Jamaica during the nineteenth from democracy in Haiti Sheller places the Jamaican and century. Haitian other societies emerging from situation in the context of where, especially in the American slavery. She sees similar patterns elseCaribbean and Latin America, South, but also in other parts of the and this considerably to the importance of her book. comparative perspective adds significance of Haiti in the Americas, She is also aware of the Revolution, but also because of the not only because of the Haitian followed. Planters image of Haiti in the never forgot Haiti, but neither did century which people. The anti-slavery and anti-colonial slaves and freed Republic stood out in the nineteenth stance of the Haitian Sheller's nuanced account of century. our understanding of resistance peasant radicalism adds significantly to considerable attention after emancipation. She to the role of women in rightly devotes cludes with a fascinating discussion of resistance, and she conbetween Haitians andJamaicans the personal and political ties in the more than these personal contacts mid-nineteenth century. Yeti it was intriguing; there was also an in which makes her comparison SO slaves in these two societies. overlap In the 'conceptual worlds' of former has provided a new perspective highlighting that shared ideology, Sheller on the world after slavery ended. Gad Heuman V --- Page 10 --- --- Page 11 --- Contents Preface V Acknowledgements ix List of tables X111 List of figures xiv List of abbreviations XV PART ONE DEMOCRACY IN THE POST-SLAVERY CARIBBEAN Introduction 1 Caribbean configurations of freedom Oilfield explanations of slavery's abolition Garden explanations of slavery's abolition Towards a multi-causal explanation Preliminary comparative model 2 The decline of planter control in Haiti and Jamaica Defining freedom as a continuous variable The decline of planter economic control The decline of planter political control The decline of planter civil control Conclusion to Part One PARTTWO HAITI: CONSTITUTIONS ARE PAPER, BAYONETS ARE IRON' 3 What kind of free this?' Diplomatic reaction to Haitian independence Afro-Caribbean reaction to Haitian independence The export of black revolution? vii --- Page 12 --- viii Contents 4 Black publics and peasant freédom in Haiti, 1820-1843 Peasant economic agency Peasant political agency Peasant civil agency 5 The army of sufferers: from Liberal Revolution to Piquet Rebellion The press, public opinion and opposition to Boyer TWO HAITI: CONSTITUTIONS ARE PAPER, BAYONETS ARE IRON' 3 What kind of free this?' Diplomatic reaction to Haitian independence Afro-Caribbean reaction to Haitian independence The export of black revolution? vii --- Page 12 --- viii Contents 4 Black publics and peasant freédom in Haiti, 1820-1843 Peasant economic agency Peasant political agency Peasant civil agency 5 The army of sufferers: from Liberal Revolution to Piquet Rebellion The press, public opinion and opposition to Boyer The Liberal Revolution Black mobilization and the Piquet Rebellion PART THREE JAMAICA: 'COLOUR FOR COLOUR' 6 Black publics and peasant freedom in post-emancipation Jamaica Peasant economic agency Peasant political agency Peasant civil agency 7 Popular democracy and the Underhill Convention Democratic politics and riotous bargaining Charting the transformation of black publics, 1838-1865 The Underhill Convention and democratic participation 8 "Little agitators, small speechifiers. and embryo cut-throats' Black publics and the Morant Bay Rebellion Economic, political and civil grievances in 1865 George William Gordon and his supporters Conclusion: The Morant Bay agitators -a Haytian conspiracy? Bibliography Index --- Page 13 --- Acknowledgements This project originates in injustices of Europe and North many ways out of my recognition of the of academic 'knowledge' America dominance in the about the production (1987) suggests, 'relations of Caribbean. If, as Dorothy Smith then it is better to ruling' always shape academic tions than to believe acknowledge how we are embedded in practice, we can easily escape them. those relaacknowledge up front that I am in a Therefore, I want to tion to many people in the Caribbean. position of unequal power in relathat has throughout its I come from a country (the history had an U.S.) on the Caribbean, and I write from invasive and detrimental effect country (the U.K.) partly an academic position in another region. I believe that the responsible for slavery and colonialism in the had a strong past history of slavery and colonialism Thus, I feel impact on global relations in the has an ethical obligation to contemporary world. (both political and critique North Atlantic academic) in the hegemony some of the basic tenets about Caribbean region by core 'Western' values rethinking democracy and equality from the such as freedom, enslaved by Western countries. In perspective of those who have been historical sociology, I admit to seeking to contribute to Caribbean that we can all learn from the my own limited vantage point, but hope shared history. Caribbean experience, which is our Thanks in part to this privileged structural this book was generously location, research for Global Change and Liberalism, supported by the MacArthur Program in tation by an Elinor Goldmark Black fellowship from the New School for Social disserJaney Program in Latin America and the Research, and by the for the time for revisions Caribbean. I am also thankful postdoctoral provided by a Du fellowship at the University of Bois-Mandels-Rodney Afroamerican and African Studies. Michigan's Center for Many people have supported this work has taken to reach this particular over the eight years that it endpoint). First of all, I want to thank point (more a starting point than an visors, Charles Tilly, William my Ph.D. dissertation supertheir exemplary teaching, Roseberry and Mustafa Emirbayer, for research and guidance. I did my best to heed ix Caribbean. I am also thankful postdoctoral provided by a Du fellowship at the University of Bois-Mandels-Rodney Afroamerican and African Studies. Michigan's Center for Many people have supported this work has taken to reach this particular over the eight years that it endpoint). First of all, I want to thank point (more a starting point than an visors, Charles Tilly, William my Ph.D. dissertation supertheir exemplary teaching, Roseberry and Mustafa Emirbayer, for research and guidance. I did my best to heed ix --- Page 14 --- X Acknondedgemens their advice, and the wise counsel of Harrision flawed final product remains White, but the still my own whom I am very thankful include Janet responsibility. Other teachers to Jose Casanova, Diane Davis, Donald Abu-Lughod, Seyla Benhabib, Zolberg. Special thanks Scott, Louise Tilly and Aristide are due to Gad Heuman who first during a Visiting Fellowship at the Centre for assisted me Warwick University, and who has Caribbean Studies at introduce me to colleagues in the ever since made wonderful efforts to the Association of Caribbean Society for Caribbean Studies and the Center for African and Historians. Thanks also to colleages at for academic Afroamerican Studies, and to Rebecca Scott support. At Lancaster University, I must thank colleagues in the Sociology all of my Women's Studies for Department and at the Institute for first year, and for helping me to juggle teaching and research in inspiring me in new directions. my The archives and libraries in several not only for opening their doors to countries are owed thanks librarians and staff who me, but also for offering archivists, thank the National were always helpful and patient. In Jamaica, I Library, the Jamaica National University of the West Indies for use of their Archives and the France, I extend thanks to the Archives valuable resources. In Ministère des Affaires Nationales, the Archive du Étrangères and the translations from the French are Bibliothèque Nationale. All ondary sources, unless otherwise my own, including primary and sechas been made to maintain noted in the bibliography. An effort including British and Jamaican original spellings in direct quotations. various degrees of Creole spellings and those that represent language. In England, I especially appreciated the public resources of the British Public use of the wonderful Library. I am thankful for the Record Office and the British Missionary use of the Wesleyan Society and London Methodist the School of Oriental and Missionary Society archives held at Bodleian Library and Rhodes African Studies, London: and for the House am also grateful to the Baptist Library at Oxford University. I quote from their collection at Missionary the Society for permission to Oxford, where the archivist Mrs. Angus Library, Regents College, In New York, I have benefited Susan J. Mills was especially helpful. York from use of the Bobst University and the New York Public Library of New tion at the Schomburg Center for Research Library's excellent collecIwant to give special in Black Culture. family for personal thanks to Mrs. Cybil Hall and welcoming me into their home in her Hepner for introducing me. I also want to Kingston, and to Randall Richardson and other members of the thank Charles Arthur, Laurie for giving me such an intense Haiti Support Group in London introduction to the people, places and --- Page 15 --- Acknosledgements xi politics of Haiti. The many dedicated activists whom we met were a living testament to the commitment of the Haitian people to the ongoing project of social change. Thanks also to fellow graduate students who supported my work and inspired me with their own, cially Anne Mische and Gina Ulysse. espeFinally, Icould not have carried out this research without the love and support of my family. Many, many thanks to my mother who has bcen an inspiration and a guide in SO many ways; to my father who has made me strive for excellence in all things; to Jamie for always looking out for her little sister; to the rest of the family for keeping heart in Philadelphia; and especially to Simon, who has cooked my SO many dinners. put up with SO many long absences, and made SO moves many back and forth across the Atlantic. Thank you all. se. espeFinally, Icould not have carried out this research without the love and support of my family. Many, many thanks to my mother who has bcen an inspiration and a guide in SO many ways; to my father who has made me strive for excellence in all things; to Jamie for always looking out for her little sister; to the rest of the family for keeping heart in Philadelphia; and especially to Simon, who has cooked my SO many dinners. put up with SO many long absences, and made SO moves many back and forth across the Atlantic. Thank you all. --- Page 16 --- --- Page 17 --- List of tables Table 1 Comparative Emancipation and De-democratization Processes Table 2 Types of Abolition of Slavery Table 3 Haitian License Law, 1819-1821 Table 4 Haitian Newspapers, 1804-1860 Table 5 Jamaican Newspapers, 1823-1865 Table 6 Voluntary Associations and Socicties in Jamaica, 1823-1866 Table 7 Jamaican Population by *Colour' and Sex, 1844 and Table 8 Attendance of Public Mectings in Jamaica, 1859-1865; Person by Event Matrix Table 9 Attendance of Public Mectings in Jamaica, 1859-1865; Person by Person Matrix xiii --- Page 18 --- List of figures Figure 1 Map showing the proximity of Haiti to Jamaica Figure 2 Map of Saint Domingue showing sugar-growing regions in 1790 Figure 3 Map of Jamaica showing peasant frecholds, 1840-1845 Figure 4 Daumier's caricature of Emperor Faustin Soulouque, 1850 Figure 5 National scal of the Republic of Haiti xiv --- Page 19 --- List of abbreviations AMAE Archives du Ministère des Affaires Étrangères (Paris, France) AN Archives Nationales dc France (Paris, France) BMS Baptist Missionary Socicty Archives (Angus Library, Oxford) CCC Corréspondence Consulaire ct Commerçial (AMAE, France) CP Corréspondence Politique (AMAE, France) FO Forcign Office Archives (PRO, England) JRC Report of the Jamaica Royal Commission LMS London Missionary Socicty Archives (SOAS, London) NYPL New York Public Library PRO Public Record Office (England) WMMS Wesleyan Mcthodist Missionary Society Archives (SOAS, London) XV --- Page 20 --- --- Page 21 --- Part one Democracy in the Post-Slavery Caribbean 'Rockstone a' riber bottom no know how sun hot' From a letter to the editor of The Sentinel, Jamaica, March 24, 1865 Signed 'S.C.C. alias Niger' Woch nan dlo ap. fin konnen doulè woch nan soley The rocks in the water are going to know the suffering of the rocks in the sun' From President Aristide's Inaugural Address (Farmer 1994: 163) --- Page 22 --- --- Page 23 --- A JL a S / B T N - m Po S L A / - & - - E A --- Page 24 --- Introduction slowly swept across the fragmented politiAs the abolition of slavery the course of the long nineteenth cal terrain of the Americas over descendants had to negotiate and century, former slaves and their This involved not only the contest the actual terms of lived freedom. families in the context of bitter reconstruction of communities and and overseers. but also the daily interaction with former slave-owners claim-making mobilization of protest and political crucial sustained Freed slaves also aimed at both local and metropolitan governments. - & - - E A --- Page 24 --- Introduction slowly swept across the fragmented politiAs the abolition of slavery the course of the long nineteenth cal terrain of the Americas over descendants had to negotiate and century, former slaves and their This involved not only the contest the actual terms of lived freedom. families in the context of bitter reconstruction of communities and and overseers. but also the daily interaction with former slave-owners claim-making mobilization of protest and political crucial sustained Freed slaves also aimed at both local and metropolitan governments. and stood in solidarity anti-slavery publics reached out to international and those who were still at risk of with those who were still enslaved fury of the 1791 slave enslavement in Africa. From the wrenching the beginning of the end uprising in Saint Domingue in retrospect, the last unherof plantation slavery - through of the Atlantic system Brazil in 1888, the act of establishing personal alded legislation in struck but fragile setfreedom was only a first step. Each tenaciously that for a committlement called for ongoing vigilance, and beyond and social change wider of political transformation ment to a project institution of slavery throughout that would uproot the dehumanizing the world. and exercise of freedom were highly The day-to-day experience and how the abolition of slavery unfolded constrained by when, where versus independent states, within the varied topography of colonial regions versus forgotten monarchies versus republics. booming sugar versus constrained backwaters. paths of revolutionary transformation begun to Social scientists have only recently gradual transitions. social and political change compare systematically post-emancipation locations in which slavery existed, to examine across the wide array of its many different outhow and why freedom varied, and to explore of the dynamics of comes.' 1 This book contributes to our knowledge of politisocieties through a comparative history popular post-slavery situations, the independent cal mobilization in two contrasting Jamaica. Republic of Haiti and the British colony of (which became Haiti) The French colony of Saint Domingue most of Jamaica had been the two profitable and the British colony --- Page 25 --- Introduction 5 colonies in the world in the late sugar-producing (and slave-killing) 114). However, Haiti became the first eighteenth century (Knight 1990: revolution and established itself as place ever to end slavery through Americas in 1804. Jamaica, in only the second independent state in the abolition in the 1830s and contrast, went through a gradual process of their contrasting paths to remained a colony until 1962. Although different politisituated Haitians and Jamaicans in quite emancipation certain similarities in the develcal landscapes, there were nevertheless both islands. With mountainous opment of peasant communities in during the period of interiors and well-developed proto-peasantries" both islands became exemplary of the post-emancipation slavery, development based on customary land pattern of strong peasant markets (Mintz 1979, 1989; Knight tenures and expansion of internal 1990; Besson 1995).? is that those who struggled out of The central thesis of this book shared radical vision of slavery in Haiti and Jamaica also developed a In addition based on the post-slavery ideology of freedom. democracy and equal citizento the clear demand for full political participation of white that included an explicit critique ship, it was an ideology unbridled market capitalism that built a racial domination and of the by demands for world system of slavery. It was at times accompanied redistribution of) some degree of economic (and moral justification for generations of enslavement. This and land reform as reparation from domination provided not only a alternative path to a future free of and an ethical critique capitalism, counter-narrative to modernity democracy. The but also an alternative vision of true grassroots as I shall refer to popular legacy of this peasant democratic ideology, of Caribbean radicalism it, had a deep impact on the development and was later carried onto an interthroughout the nineteenth century, and activists of Caribbean migrants national stage by generations (Rodney 1981, 1982; cf. justification for generations of enslavement. This and land reform as reparation from domination provided not only a alternative path to a future free of and an ethical critique capitalism, counter-narrative to modernity democracy. The but also an alternative vision of true grassroots as I shall refer to popular legacy of this peasant democratic ideology, of Caribbean radicalism it, had a deep impact on the development and was later carried onto an interthroughout the nineteenth century, and activists of Caribbean migrants national stage by generations (Rodney 1981, 1982; cf. James 1998). ideology, I offer the of this subaltern political To trace genealogy crises of political contention and a detailed analysis of two major of black citizens: Haiti's violent conflict over democracy and the rights of 1843-44, and Jamaica's Liberal Revolution and Piquet Rebellion Rebellion of 1865. My narrative Underhill Movement and Morant Bay and changing relaof these events features the creation, transformation focusing on the degree to tions of various publics in the two islands, took part in public claimwhich former slaves and their descendants how their forms political protest and rebellion. I also consider mobilmaking, political communication and social of collective identification, to comparing and contrasting ization changed over time. In addition the relationships between these two cases, I will also be highlighting --- Page 26 --- 0 Democracy After: Slavery them, as well as placing them within a wider of relevance to the entire Atlantic world. comparative framework The primary purpose ofthis tics in post-revolutionary Haiti comparative analysis of popular poliand examine the general shift away from post-emancipation democratic Jamaica is to lowing the abolition of slavery. As political systems folwas no cataclysmic social many historians have noted, there transformation after instead, almost everywhere, ruling social and slavery's abolition; carried on with remarkable continuity. economic institutions erations of descendants [while] former slaves and genunschooled, and disfranchised" remained largely landless, impoverished. gle for freedom continued in the (Lowenthal face 1995: 179-80). The strugformer slave-owners of both the personal and the political tyranny of ments that reluctantly admitted the tyranny of the various governIn explaining this, I argue that once enslaved as tenuous citizens. crucial to the transition out of processes of de-derocratization were tions about the triumph of slavery. Contrary to teleological assumpmodernity with its enlightenment or the forward-march of and more equal supposedly ineluctable progress towards broader democracy. citizenship abolition entailed a retreat from At first, this may sound of slave counter-intuitive, given prevailing emancipation as a facet of humanitarian notions achievement of one of the classic social progress, a crowning democratic revolution'. Yet, movements of the 'age of ization which were felt in all despite the the pressures towards democratteenth century, all failed to states of the Americas in the nineof African origin who had fairly incorporate as full citizens the survived enslavement and people faithfully exercising democratic become free. In state, demanding political inclusion rights, fulfilling obligations to the freed slaves flushed out and and generally secking freedom, liberal idcologies that publicly exposed the severe limitations were deeply of inance and economic complicit with white racial domCaribbean archipelago. exploitation of the lands and people of the of Even in Haiti, the European colonialism could not overarching 'racial project' of the revolution were curtailed easily be escaped, and the outcomes of slavery have such (see Chapter 3). Why did the abolition transformational bittersweet results? How and why was potential SO its contained? pervasively thwarted and everywhere While massive research efforts have and fall of the Atlantic system of gone into explaining the rise sis), far less attention has been slavery (see Chapter 1 for a given to synopoutcomes ofslavery's abolition. Recent researching the conditions and emancipation histories "has tended attention to comparative postto highlight the transformation of iled easily be escaped, and the outcomes of slavery have such (see Chapter 3). Why did the abolition transformational bittersweet results? How and why was potential SO its contained? pervasively thwarted and everywhere While massive research efforts have and fall of the Atlantic system of gone into explaining the rise sis), far less attention has been slavery (see Chapter 1 for a given to synopoutcomes ofslavery's abolition. Recent researching the conditions and emancipation histories "has tended attention to comparative postto highlight the transformation of --- Page 27 --- Introduction 7 into a free labor force and to narrowly focus on the slave population ramifications this change had for the sugar the social and economic utilized economic and stateplantations' (Olwig 1995: 3). Commonly of structural variables too often downplay the political agency centred while theorists of resistance often ignore structural variafreed slaves, We now need tion and its differential effects on political processes. in not only of the unfolding of labour emancipation better explanations but also of slavery abolition's role in comparative economic contexts, and state formation, on the one processes of political emancipation of colonial and post-colonial civil hand. and in transformations societies, on the other. (if not women) were in some places In SO far as freed men welcomed as soldiers, jurors, taxmomentarily enfranchised and and their children soon enough payers, even clected officials, they the shackles of enforced impoverfound themselves clapped back into the exclusion. Many 'freed people throughout ishment and political in the wake of emancipation' 1 Caribbean shared common grievances ideas of freedom clashed with argues Gad Heuman, because their from below, planters those of the ruling elite.. In the face of pressure sought to [in the British West Indies] generally and administrators government and replace it with abolish the system of representative 1995: 132-3). This backward direct rule from London' (Heuman occurred in a whole series of postmovement is not unique, but the backlash was all settlements. Where it was resisted, emancipation can be discerned of brief democratic the more stinging. Thus, a pattern mobilization met with harsh openings, popular protest and political government (and and finally retreat from representative suppression, from 'democracy' in SO far as it existed). the 'true significance As W. E. B. Du Bois presciently recognized, whole social development of in the United States to the of slavery relation of slaves to democracy. What were America lay in the ultimate control in the United States?' (Du Bois to be the limits of democratic of democratic rights for white men, [1935] 1992: 184). The expansion with the disenfranchisement of hand in hand he argued, procceded of the Reconstruction freed slaves, the reversal oft the reparative policies Amendment by the U.S. Era, and the undermining of the Fourteenth The same could be Court (cf. Harding 1981; Foner 1988). There is no Supreme to the aftermath of slavery. said for other states adjusting instead we moral victory or ethical triumph; simple story of progress, defeat and anti-democratic fnd case after case of disappointment, reversal as a common post-slavery reaction. In identifying this policy Haiti where there the Americas (even in revolutionary trend throughout minority left to appease), this book raises was no white landowning ra, and the undermining of the Fourteenth The same could be Court (cf. Harding 1981; Foner 1988). There is no Supreme to the aftermath of slavery. said for other states adjusting instead we moral victory or ethical triumph; simple story of progress, defeat and anti-democratic fnd case after case of disappointment, reversal as a common post-slavery reaction. In identifying this policy Haiti where there the Americas (even in revolutionary trend throughout minority left to appease), this book raises was no white landowning --- Page 28 --- 8 Democracy Afier Slavery of democracy in the fundamental questions about the development modern West. in the boundaries of citizenship that The large-scale changes negotiation between former accompanied emancipation made political an overlooked cornerslaves and nominally democratic governments Western states. A second purpose stone in the construction of modern assumptions about the social of this book is to challenge prevalent of post-slavery peasantries and disorganization' and political *apathy' working-class consciousof Afro-Caribbean the *late' development about where the impetus for democratizness. Recentring our thinking how subaltern groups engage in politics. ation arose and reconsidering collective actions and political account highlights the ideologies, my their descendants. Rather than metropolitan govagency of slaves and it was Caribbean freed bringing democracy to the Caribbean, ernments hardest for full democratization. slaves who pushed politics lies in its critique The significance of post-emancipation and its proposals for more of the limitations of liberal democracy as elsewhere. owes forward. Democracy in the Americas. radical ways contention (Tilly 1995a; Rueschemeyer. a great deal to working-class that ofthe slave's strugand Stephens 1992) - in this case, Stephens struggle to implement that freedom gle for freedom, the freed person's whatever small victories were won. My and their children's defense of models of elite-led 'tutelary democapproach rejects both top-down and Eurocentric models of from this perspective) racy' (an oxymoron industrial proletariat ofthe "core' counmodernity that extol the (male) from below'. Rather than assuming tries as the key agent of "history not of democracy, or Caribbean states were capable that post-slavery consider the actual contours of the the people not ready', we must are recent agrarstruggle that took place. Of relevance to this argument the wider realm of ian studies that have compellingly reformulated and Africa.3 As Florencia political agency in Latin America the peasant Mexico and Peru. "through Mallon suggests of nineteenth-century creation. and repression, rural very processes of participation. political and the polity they struggled to people transformed both themselves action put identifiable [Thus) popular creativity and political expand.. constructed over the years' (Mallon 1995: marks on the state being 141). conservative, distrustful, socially undifferOnce seen as apolitical. life and accommodating to elites (cf. entiated, lacking in associational evidence shows that the Booth and Seligson 1979), accumulating resisted coercive of the Caribbean actually 'reconstituted peasantries' oppositional cultures and often labour regimes, created long-lasting (Turner 1995). I argue that the peasants joined in public political protest ) popular creativity and political expand.. constructed over the years' (Mallon 1995: marks on the state being 141). conservative, distrustful, socially undifferOnce seen as apolitical. life and accommodating to elites (cf. entiated, lacking in associational evidence shows that the Booth and Seligson 1979), accumulating resisted coercive of the Caribbean actually 'reconstituted peasantries' oppositional cultures and often labour regimes, created long-lasting (Turner 1995). I argue that the peasants joined in public political protest --- Page 29 --- Introduction 9 of the Caribbean were not merely beneficiaries and 'semi-proletarians but contributed as much to the citizen/state of European developments, states toward extensions of bargaining that drove nineteenth-century heart-lands. democracy as did political mobilization in the metropolitan that Extending C. L. R.James' classic argument in The Black Jacobins the slave revolution of Saint Domingue was the most radical expression the Jacobin thrust of the French Revolution, one could add that postof contention held the potential for revolutionary transforslavery political Moreover, the mation of Western society by its most oppressed group. Evidence tool for achieving that transformation was democratization. exists in the words for this specifically democratic peasant radicalism radicals of Haiti and and actions of the black publics and peasant Jamaica, as I hope this book will demonstrate. that Democracy After Slavery, is a reminder The title of this work, (including slavery was practised by nominally democratic Great governments Britain and the United those of the 'model' democracies of France, As Orlando States), and that it also continues to haunt those states today. fundamenPatterson has grasped, slaveryisi in some very troubling way of freedom in tal to the emergence of democracy and to the valuation 1991). We forget slavery at our own peril. Western culture (Patterson what is the relation Secondly, the title reminds us of Du Bois' question: transition from a What exactly occurs in the of slaves to democracy? and is this transition really system of slavery to a democratic system societies? It was only in recogcomplete in contemporary post-slavery and wielded it against nizing that former slaves turned to democracy understandruling elites that I began to question our taken-for-granted origin it of what democracy is and from what social and ideological ings remains unfulfilled in part because arises. Democracy's radical potential the transition out of slavery. of the failure to complete research in various forums, I was often told When I presented this and that there could not have been that 'peasants are not democratic' in the Caribbean in the nineteenth peasant democratic' movements demonstrated, the social origins of century. As Barrington Moore revolution, which was impossible democracy lay in bourgeois-led labour agriculture elite depended on repressive wherever an agrarian for making me think more (Moore 1966). I thank those respondents Indeed, it was carefully about the wider implications of my argument. of research that I realized the significance only after completing my in Central America to Jeffery Paige's analysis of the rise of democracy Revolution and the this study of the Caribbean. In Coffee and Power: Moore's widely in Central America, he challenges Rise of Democracy of bourgeois revolution. In thesis that democracy is a product accepted alternative route to democratization through SO far as there was an wherever an agrarian for making me think more (Moore 1966). I thank those respondents Indeed, it was carefully about the wider implications of my argument. of research that I realized the significance only after completing my in Central America to Jeffery Paige's analysis of the rise of democracy Revolution and the this study of the Caribbean. In Coffee and Power: Moore's widely in Central America, he challenges Rise of Democracy of bourgeois revolution. In thesis that democracy is a product accepted alternative route to democratization through SO far as there was an --- Page 30 --- 10 Democracy, Afler Slavery revolution from below' (Paige '1997: 324) in coffee Nicaragua, El Salvador and Costa Rica, the republic like democratic ideological roots of such resistance peasant-proletariane' must lie deeper in the to coercive labour systems and colonial longstanding I suggest that similar cycles of democratic regimes. want to in the nineteenth struggle can be found earlier that includes the century, especially within a wider American context Caribbean.5 The key pattern found throughout the Americas retreat from democratization in the face of is one of elite and political inclusion. In Haiti, the radical popular demands for civil Piquets in 1844 (and their black collective demands of the Haitian elite to retreat from identification) led the liberal faced with democracy and resort to an alliance of small landholders authoritarianism when demanding full democratic and a rural peasantry clearer that both colonial rights. In the case of Jamaica, it is even and metropolitan elites racy. The view that West Indians were reneged on democtutelage is grossly 'taught' democracy by colonial misleading not only because it ological position of the local elite. the colonial misconstrues the ideBritish Colonial Office, but also because it government and the the ideological position of the colonial fundamentally misconstrues It purposely misreads and silences working classes and peasantry Caribbean people. the political struggles of the We will fail to understand democracy in the where) SO long as we fail to recognize the radical Caribbean (and elsegies of the post-slavery democratic ideololiberal peasantry in their struggle against democracy. It is simply tautological to attribute limited democracy to the inheritance of British Caribbean its failure to the absence of a parliamentary institutions. and forged over centuries (Payne pre-existing democratic political culture 1993). can help us to rethink the social Comparative historical sociology Huber origins of democracy. Stephens and Stephens, among Rueschemeyer. tance of civil society in others, emphasize the impororder to trace the formation installing of and consolidating democracy. In their engagement in post-slavery civil societies and to track complete analysis will struggles be over democracy, I argue that a more required of publics'. The actual lived reality of freedom post-emancipation plebeian on the facility with which depended to a great extent between freed slaves, local authorities, political communication was possible colonial military arms of distant imperial states and governments, civil and international publics. periodically concerned I will examine relationships spheres and associational among multiple Caribbean public popular political cultures networks in order to better understand and processes of democratization in the post- civil societies and to track complete analysis will struggles be over democracy, I argue that a more required of publics'. The actual lived reality of freedom post-emancipation plebeian on the facility with which depended to a great extent between freed slaves, local authorities, political communication was possible colonial military arms of distant imperial states and governments, civil and international publics. periodically concerned I will examine relationships spheres and associational among multiple Caribbean public popular political cultures networks in order to better understand and processes of democratization in the post- --- Page 31 --- Introduction 11 of transition, when new forms of citizenship were being slavery period Jirgen Habermas' 's influential model tried and tested. Moving beyond I draw on recent of the transformation of the bourgeois public sphere, of publics.? reconceptualizations based on a multiplicity non-bourgeois of theorists extend the concept of publicity beyond the confines These and explore the boundaries that implicitly European Enlightenment full on the basis of race, gender, class exclude people from citizenship or other social distinctions. of the public In seeking to broaden theoretical conceptualizations analyze the specific sphere in democratic societies, I systematically mobilization that and political patterns of popular claim-making Jamaica in the decades after slavery was eradiemerged in Haiti and creatively every cated. People freed from slavery had to manipulate and for a and means for making claims on the state gaining opportunity The concept of 'plebeian publics' has genervoice in decision-making. in Europe and ally been thought out in relation to modern democracies if extended to colothe United States, but could be even more useful communication. The nial and post-colonial networks of political of view of the colonial advantage of considering publics from the point right is that it highlights the complexity of multiple publics, periphery moments of formation of the 'bourgeois public from the carliest flows of comsphere' in Europe. Publics can be defined as open-ended link enable distant interlocutors to positions, munication that socially of influence over issues of common identities and projects in pursuit Multiple publics with and Sheller 1999: 154-63). concern (Emirbayer communities' are always in tension different diasporas or imagined of a 'black public sphere' or with each other. Drawing on the concept particularly in the which has been developed 'black counterpublic', Haitian and Jamaican subaltern publics United States, 8 I characterize because of their explicit selfas 'black publics'. This is possible African ethnic origin as well as identification in terms of colour or critique of white domination. their self-conscious then, is to inquire into the public articuAnother aim of this book, the relationship lation of racial and national identities, and to explore Paying close attencollective identities and political practices. between structures used in the context of tion to the actual words and symbolic about narratives and contention can tell us a great deal political ethpublic them. Different understandings of frace', , the ideologies informing elaborated in the process of post-emancipation nicity and class were that former masters and adjustment. It was in the heat of contention mobilized around identities former slaves together framed, defined and mechanic or merchant. such as 'white' or 'black', , citizen or subject, the elaboration of 'Black' or What were the sources and conditions for in the context of tion to the actual words and symbolic about narratives and contention can tell us a great deal political ethpublic them. Different understandings of frace', , the ideologies informing elaborated in the process of post-emancipation nicity and class were that former masters and adjustment. It was in the heat of contention mobilized around identities former slaves together framed, defined and mechanic or merchant. such as 'white' or 'black', , citizen or subject, the elaboration of 'Black' or What were the sources and conditions for --- Page 32 --- 12 Democracy After Slavery "African' identities in the post-slavery period? Where and people of various classes and colours draw boundaries when did such as 'Black' or 'Brown', Creole or African, between terms Haitian or Dominican? When British or Jamaican, racial identities? When were national identities trumped by were racial identities colour stratification? And what role did shattered by class and The colour gender play in all ofthis? socially terminology used throughout this book will constructed and politically contested refer to in discourses ofthe period, which included categories that appeared within them. 9 In Jamaica, the class and status valuations coloured (or brown) and white major categories were black (or negro). (or buckra). In Haiti, gories were nègre/sse (used today the main cateselves), noir/e (black), mulâtre/sse by most Haitians to refer to themreferring today to any (mulatto), and blanc/he (white, but the time of the foreigner). Asa Creole saying that originated at Piquet Rebellion li et écri, cila mulâte; mulâte recognized, Nègue riche qui conait nègue" [The rich negro who pauve qui pas counait li ni écri, cila mulatto who can read and write is mulatto; the cannot read or write is negro] poor other words, Haitians have long (d'Alaux 1860: 112). In and power are bound up with racial/colour recognized that wealth, literacy, status through the cultural work of categories that only emerge (Omi and Winant 1994; and politically motivated 'racial see Chapter 3). projects' tics of inclusion and exclusion in This meant that the politics of race, class and social a democratic polity was also a polibelonging. Emancipation concerned not only who citizen on paper, but also which would be defined as a enforceable in particular times and rights and obligations would be actions would be considered places, and, most importantly. what claims or calling fort the enforcement legitimate means of making rights-based defined as 'rights and mutual of obligations. Citizenship can be obligations category of persons defined exclusively binding state agents and a same state' (Tilly 1995b: 369). by their legal attachment to the sizing the public However, I also heed Somers in practice of emphai.e. citizenship over the citizenship as 'a set ofinstitutionally legal definition, locally according to regional 'contexts of embedded practices' that vary key determinant of the quality of freedom activation' (Somers 1993). A slaves and their descendants was the experienced by former nication became possible extent to which political commuical communication. between new citizens and the state. I refer to the ways in By politmake their demands and which freed people could over decision-making. grievances heard and thereby gain influence In SO far as the formation of ting such influence, the publics were one means for transmitcapacity for publicity was dependent upon legal definition, locally according to regional 'contexts of embedded practices' that vary key determinant of the quality of freedom activation' (Somers 1993). A slaves and their descendants was the experienced by former nication became possible extent to which political commuical communication. between new citizens and the state. I refer to the ways in By politmake their demands and which freed people could over decision-making. grievances heard and thereby gain influence In SO far as the formation of ting such influence, the publics were one means for transmitcapacity for publicity was dependent upon --- Page 33 --- Introduction 13 histories, the timing and mode of emancipation, and ongoing colonial or create what Tilly calls 'repertoires of local struggles to adopt, adapt offers guidance contention'. The study of contentious events pertinent methodabout the dynamics of publicity. My on how to go studying the work of Tilly and others on repertoires ological approach builds on in terms of both of contention, but pays greater attention to language historical publics, narratives and claim-making genres. To understand communication and of its we must turn to the contexts of political idioms and genres. 10 framing within particular linguistic registers, documents exists in the claim-making Evidence of competing publics interaction. I in instances of communicative and contentious produced documents that define public texts' as the set of actively claim-making They are public during episodes of political contention. are produced in a posted in a public in SO far as they have been published newspaper, official channels or in some place, submitted and recorded through record. They are 'active' 1 in SO far as other way committed to the public act between two or more they embody an interactional speech document interidentifiable interlocutors. My aim is to systematically brokers, as well as actions between black publics, their targets and interactions segmented publics including between geographically between local regions and national between colony and metropole, publics. and among international or even transnational government historical study, then, is original The basis for this comparative archives, archival research in Caribbean and European government evidence of the archives and national libraries, gathering missionary a thirty-year period in postgeography of publicity' over roughly and post-emancipation revolutionary Haiti (focusing on 1818-1844) moments leading up to peasant Jamaica (focusing on 1834-1865). Key types of public have been chosen because of the numerous rebellions in the flurry of political activity surrounding texts that were produced Morant Bay Rebellion, along Haiti's Liberal Revolution and Jamaica's freedom of the press and freedom with crucial debates about publicity, parliamentary of association. Drawing on consular correspondence, correspondence, local newsgovernment records, missionary I papers, memoirs, histories and political pamphlets, papers, contemporary of Haitian and Jamaican public texts, supplehave collected a range places and modes of publicamented by information on participants, this book contributes to ongoing therefore, tion. Methodologically. strands in contemporary sociology. efforts to conjoin two major which largely employs a macroHistorical and comparative sociology, has been resistant to the 'narrative comparative structural approach, "epistemological crisis' (but turn' brought about by the post-modern 1993). The sociology of culture, Sewell 1980, 1992; Somers 1992, see of Haitian and Jamaican public texts, supplehave collected a range places and modes of publicamented by information on participants, this book contributes to ongoing therefore, tion. Methodologically. strands in contemporary sociology. efforts to conjoin two major which largely employs a macroHistorical and comparative sociology, has been resistant to the 'narrative comparative structural approach, "epistemological crisis' (but turn' brought about by the post-modern 1993). The sociology of culture, Sewell 1980, 1992; Somers 1992, see --- Page 34 --- 14 Democracy Afier Slavery on the other hand, embraces invéstigation of narrative meaning structurcs, but has to some extent been less and symbolic lyzing temporal processcs and social successful in anaSewell 1996; Abbott 1996). change (but see Swidler 1986; Icombine large-scale relational analysis ofsocial networks with text-based discourse and institutional (based on primary sources such analysis of 'claims-in-action" and other public as petitions, resolutions, texts). My analysis of proclamations in the post-slavery Caribbean popular political participation former slaves did not demonstrates that Haitian and Jamaican and conservative simply retreat into a world of peasant subsistence values. They turned their collective changing structures of domination wherever energies toward examining the repertoires and situational they could. By carefully the production and dissemination contexts of public contention. the actual narratives of of specific types ofp public texts and those texts, I show how citizenship, modes rights and obligations recorded in Haitian and Jamaican of political communication structured freedom in significantly different differences are evident even in the kinds and ways. These remain in the historical record, with far range of public texts that for Jamaica. While the more non-elite voices recorded majority of the population was post-slavery societies, in Jamaica there illiterate in all brokers and institutional was an intermediate set of peasant access to a greater arrangements of that gave the labourer or tion. Patterns of Creole range channels for political communicapublic political communication language are themselves traces of the extent of 1988; White across class and racial divides 1995).11 The Native Baptist Church, for (Holm organizational resources and safe example, offered Churches did in the United States spaces" much in the way that Black Civil Rights shaping the language of Jamaican political Movement, 12 while also The suppression of publics and the dearth claims. should not preclude us from of public texts in Haiti making that did occur. Instead, comparing the kinds of popular claimwhy Haiti's potentially it offers us the opportunity to democratic public formations explore undermined by military solutions with were constantly still evident today. Evelyne Huber lasting recursive consequences, racy in the English-speaking suggests that the success of democcivil society (associations, Caribbean rests first on the strength of second on civil control unions, religious organizations, and over the state'sarmed etc.), police. In modern Haiti, in contrast, branches of military and society and party system confront 'la] still relatively weak civil coercive capacity to terrorize the a military apparatus with sufficient tionalization and society but with insufficient institunegotiations about professionalization to constitute a reliable democratic consolidation" partner in (Huber 1993: 88). As suggests that the success of democcivil society (associations, Caribbean rests first on the strength of second on civil control unions, religious organizations, and over the state'sarmed etc.), police. In modern Haiti, in contrast, branches of military and society and party system confront 'la] still relatively weak civil coercive capacity to terrorize the a military apparatus with sufficient tionalization and society but with insufficient institunegotiations about professionalization to constitute a reliable democratic consolidation" partner in (Huber 1993: 88). As --- Page 35 --- Introduction 15 "armed men who exercise autonomous state power Tilly suggests, and autonomy depend on the inhibit democracy' and military power Where elite transnational connections' (Tilly 1995b: 382-83). polity's to armed force, as in many parts of Latin America, actors can resort for 'democratic opening and popular mobilizathere will be a tendency elite reaction' (Paige tion [to be] followed by violent and authoritarian 1997: 335). overlooked factor in the history of emancipation In sum, a crucial of civic participation is the subtle transformation of local environments and interaction in which plantation workers, peasants and political freedoms and tested the practisemi-proletarians first exercised specific efforts to wrest actual freecal meanings of citizenship. Freed people's definitive impact on the doms from resistant states had a far more modern West than has development of citizenship and democracy in the citizens within been recognized. Modern states (and we as previously marked by the project of unmaking slavery. them) have been indelibly projects of itself has been shaped by the powerful political Democracy not necessarily in the direction former slaves and their descendants, will inform my analysis of sought by them. The following questions understood as an post-slavery politics. How does emancipation, contexts? How did former ongoing political process, vary in different in interaction with differslaves exercise freedom and shape citizenship societies? What impact did ent states and in the context of different civil of citizenship ideologies of freedom and practices peasant or proletarian relations? What effect did differing governhave on state-civil society have on post-slavery civil institutions (especially armed forces) ing cultures? societies and political into three sections. Part Democracy After Slavery is organized of abolition and One first offers an overview of the historiography framein order to develop a more robust comparative emancipation studies; it then begins the empirical analywork for post-emancipation economic, political and civil sis of the comparative decline in planter The remaining two parts of control in post-slavery Haiti and Jamaica. black and peasant accounts of publics the book zero in on parallel and Jamaica (in Part Three). The rebellions in Haiti (in Part Two) overview of the analysis in each case moves from a comprehensive and peasant agency black publics development of post-emancipation analysis of the parallel period, to an event-centred over a thirty-year 1843-44 in Haiti and 1865 in Jamaica. Thus, periods of crisis during and chronological, yet several the overall organization is case-based contexts that link the relational and international sections emphasize develops these linkages and reflects the two countries. The Conclusion in popular political findings, on their significance on the comparative ions in Haiti (in Part Two) overview of the analysis in each case moves from a comprehensive and peasant agency black publics development of post-emancipation analysis of the parallel period, to an event-centred over a thirty-year 1843-44 in Haiti and 1865 in Jamaica. Thus, periods of crisis during and chronological, yet several the overall organization is case-based contexts that link the relational and international sections emphasize develops these linkages and reflects the two countries. The Conclusion in popular political findings, on their significance on the comparative --- Page 36 --- 16 Democracy After Slavery for explaining the implications and on their far-reaching memory, of after slavery. unfinished creation democracy Notes sec Rebecca Scott, "Exploring the For some recent important contributions, Societies in Comparative Perspective" in Meaning of Freedom: Postemancipation 68 (1988): 407-28: Frank McGlynn and Hispanic American Historical Review Freedont: Economics. Politics and Seymour Drescher, eds., The Meaning London: of University of Pittsburgh Press. Culuure After Slavery (Pittsburgh and Large Questions: Society, Culture and 1992); Karen Fog Olwig, ed., Small Islands, Caribbean (London: Frank Cass, 1995): Resistance in the Post-Emancipation Slaves: The Dynamics ofl Labour Turner. ed., From Chattel Slaves to Wage Press, 1995). Mary" Americas (Urbana: University of Illinois Bargaining in the has been much debated in Caribbean historical 2 The definition of 'peasantries' working smallholdings in family units anthropology. Freed agricultural producers from Sidney Mintz, Slavery and peasantries' (the term comes in sO far as are 'reconstituted Reflections. [1979], 6:1: 213-42) the Rise of Peasantries', 1 Historical ofthe region. Because they often particithey formed after capitalist penetration of capitalism' rather than in occasional wage labour, they were precipitates and pated communities (William Roseberry, Antlropologies "traditional' solidary and Political Economy [New Brunswick: Histories: Essays in Culture, History Mintz, "The Rural Proletariat and the Rutgers University Press, 1989)). See also in Journal of Peasant Studies. Problem of Rural Proletarian Class Consciousness'i 1:1 (1973): 291-325. agency, see Florencia Mallon, Tle 3 For related arguments concerning peasant Central Highlands: Peasant Struggle and Defense of Comnunity in Peru's Princeton University Press, 1983) Capitalist Transition, 1860-1940 (Princeton: Mexico and Peru (Berkeley and Peasant and Nation: The Making ofPostcolonial Scott, Weapons of University of California Press, 1995):James and Los Angeles: Peasant Resistance (New Haven: Yale University the Weak: Everyday Forms of John Comaroff. Of Revelation and Revolution: Press, 1985): Jean Comaroff and in Soutl Africa (Chicago and Christianity, Colonialism and Consciousness 1991): Frederick Cooper et al., Confronting London: University of Chicago Press, and the Capitalist World System in Africa Historical Paradigms: Peasants, Labor, of Wisconsin Press, 1993): and Steve and Latin America (Madison: University in the Andean Peasant World Stern. ed., Resistance, Rebellion and Conscionsness (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press. 1987). who helped me to clarify this 4 Thanks are owed especially to Aristide Zolberg, on Global Change and along with other members of the Proseminar in 1995-96. point Governance at the New School for Social Research Democratic analysis. which a study ofthe Caribbean can contribute, 5 Also missing from Paige'sa formation and inequalities based on ethnicity and is greater attention to racial of Central America, quesPaige refers to the indigenous peoples colour. Although theorized within his class-centred tions of racc, ethnicity and colour are not approach. advocated or imposed in the Caribbean region by 6 The neo-liberal democracy being financial institutions (through means such as milithe United States and the world and 'democracy enhancement' tary intervention, structural adjustment programmes the New School for Social Research Democratic analysis. which a study ofthe Caribbean can contribute, 5 Also missing from Paige'sa formation and inequalities based on ethnicity and is greater attention to racial of Central America, quesPaige refers to the indigenous peoples colour. Although theorized within his class-centred tions of racc, ethnicity and colour are not approach. advocated or imposed in the Caribbean region by 6 The neo-liberal democracy being financial institutions (through means such as milithe United States and the world and 'democracy enhancement' tary intervention, structural adjustment programmes --- Page 37 --- Introduction 17 programmes) is faulty not because it is not truly democratic. Herein produces "fragile' 7 See, for lies the democracies, but because it example, John Keane, Public contemporary relevance ofthis book. Theory of Democracy (Cambridge: Life and Late Capitalism: Toward a Landes, Women andthe Public Cambridge University Press, 1984); Socialist Joan and London: Cornell Sphere in the Age oft the French B. Eley, Nancy University Press, 1988); Revolution (Ithaca Fraser and Mary in essays by Craig Calhoun, Public Sphere (Cambridge: Ryan Craig Calhoun, ed., Geoff MIT Press, 1992); and Habermas and the Democracy and Pubic Life in the American Mary P. Ryan, Civic Wars: (Berkeley, Los Angeles and City during the 8 Elsa Brown, London: University of California Nineteenth Century "Negotiating and Press, 1997). Political Life in the Transition Transforming the Public Sphere: African Black Public Sphere from Slavery to Freedom' in American (Chicago and London: Collective, ed., The pp. 111-51; Paul Gilroy, There Ain'tl No University of Chicago Press, 1995), Politics of Race andNation Black in the Union Jack: The Cultural Black Atlantic: (Chicago: University ofChicago Press, Modernity and Double 1991). and The University Press, 1995); Eleanor Consciousness (Cambridge: Harvard Women' 's Movemnent in the Black Baptist Higginbotham, Righteous Discontent: The London: Harvard University Press, 1993); Church, 1880-1920 (Cambridge and Politics, and the Black Robyn Kelley, Race 9 On varieties of Caribbean Working Class (New York: Free Press, Rebels: Culture, the Caribbean" racial formation, see H. 1996). in Sidney Mintz and Hoetink, "Race". and Color in (Baltimore and London: Johns Sally Price, eds., Caribbean 10 For historical Hopkins University Press, 1985), Contours applications of discourse pp. 55-84. influenced by Margarct Somers, "Narrativity, analysis, and narrative analysis I am Rethinking English Working-Class Narrative Identity, and Social Action: (1992): 591-630; George Steinmetz, Formation' in Social Science History 16: 4 in Working Class Formation: 'Reflections on the Role of Social Science History 16:3 (1992): Narrative Theory in the Social Sciences' : Narratives in The Contest Over 489-516; Marc Steinberg, "The of Social in the Nineteenth Ideological Boundaries in the Case of the London Dialogue Struggle: Century" in Social Science Silk Weavers Roberto Franzosi, 'From Words to Numbers: History 18: 4 (1994): 505-542; and Collection, Organization, and A Set Theory Framework for the Sociological Methodology 24 (1994): Analysis of Narrative Data' in P. Marsden, 11 This social and political 105-137. ed., continuum', while Haiti has bridging a situation would also explain why Jamaica has a 'creole between a majority of of'diglossia' in which there is a clear break See John Holm, Pidgins Kréyol-speakers and and an elite minority of 1988); Mervyn Creoles (New York: French-speakers. Alleyne, A Linguistic Cambridge University Press, Price, Caribbean Contours, Perspective on the Caribbean' in Mintz hundred Years ofthe English pp. 11 This social and political 105-137. ed., continuum', while Haiti has bridging a situation would also explain why Jamaica has a 'creole between a majority of of'diglossia' in which there is a clear break See John Holm, Pidgins Kréyol-speakers and and an elite minority of 1988); Mervyn Creoles (New York: French-speakers. Alleyne, A Linguistic Cambridge University Press, Price, Caribbean Contours, Perspective on the Caribbean' in Mintz hundred Years ofthe English pp. 155-80; Frederic Cassidy, Jamaica Talk: Three- and 12 On church-based 'safe Language in Jamaica (London: spaces' see Albert Raboteau, Macmillan, 1982). Institution' in the Antebellum South (Oxford: Slave Religion: The Invisible Evans and Harry Boyte, Free Spaces (New Oxford University Press, 1980); Sara McAdam, Political Process and the York: Harper and Row, 1986); Doug (Chicago: University of Development of Black Insurgency, 1930-1970 Civil Rights Movement (New Chicago Press, 1982); Aldon Morris, The York: Free Origins ofthe see Emirbayer and Sheller, 'Publics Press, 1984). And for critical in History'; discussion, Spaces" in Collective Action' in and Francesca Polletta, "Free Theory and Society 28 (Feb. 1999): 1-38. --- Page 38 --- configurations of Caribbean freedom chronology of the we make sense of the long. complex How can of slavery in the Americas? Looking century-long process of abolition system of slavery over slow unraveling of the Atlantic at the painfully nineteenth century. we find a confusing the course of the long' stasis and occasional retreat. In stubborn pattern of scattered progress. forward by violent rebelemancipation was propelled occurs some places.7 others it by gradual reform. It in happened lions Or revolution, and colonial domains, in areas experiin both independent republics economic growth. economic decline, and those experiencing emanciencing when all around it was swayed toward Slavery held on even reinstated against all the odds in pation, and was in some instances eradicated. with unthinkable human places where it had already been costs. a number of strategies to explain Social science has attempted abolition. and in this chapter. I of slavery the strange temporalities theme in the debate: structure versus want to highlight one major Structural phenomena are the agency as causal factors in history. development and state formation macro-level processes of economic such as capitalist growth, historical change. that drive large-scale centralization or the expansion of European urbanization. state them. These impersonal processes to empires and the wars among and then the decline of slavery some extent 'caused' first the spread one's However, they do not entirely satisfy throughout the Americas. Other accounts focus attempts to explain the patterning of the process. from the slaves who venthe of actors or groups, on 'agency' specific freedom, to the planters who maintured violent rebellion to secure who fought for slavery to be tained slavery, and thc abolitionists times seen these as mutually outlawed. If social scientists have at there has also been a trend exclusive modes of historical explanation. Some of the most convincing towards unifying structure and agency. and timing of slave emanarguments in explaining the overall variations pattern in the degree of agency cipation are those which identify --- Page 39 --- Caribbean Configurations of Freedom 19 different actors in situations constrained by certain types exercised by of structural limits. Lake', Tilly (1995b) suggests that In his essay Democracy is a of tend toward one of two extremes theories of democratization One set of theorists focus on long-term, largescale temporality. centuries to achieve, moving SO slowly and graduprocesses that take formation of oilfields. ally that they are comparable to the geological timeframes, in which Another set of theorists look at much smaller cultivate democracy in a manner comparable political actors quickly clite actors). In contrast to both of to gardening (often emphasizing actually is more like the forthese, Tilly suggests that democratization form a number of mation of a lake. tend toward one of two extremes theories of democratization One set of theorists focus on long-term, largescale temporality. centuries to achieve, moving SO slowly and graduprocesses that take formation of oilfields. ally that they are comparable to the geological timeframes, in which Another set of theorists look at much smaller cultivate democracy in a manner comparable political actors quickly clite actors). In contrast to both of to gardening (often emphasizing actually is more like the forthese, Tilly suggests that democratization form a number of mation of a lake. That is to say, it may through similar endof differing timescales, but which produce a processes whether slowly formed over glacial cenresult, recognizable as a lake man-made like turies (as in Britain's parliamentary system) or quickly 'democratic transitions"). I want to suggest a reservoir (as in recent and can be applied to grouping interpreting that a similar metaphor of the abolition of slavery in the the various historical explanations Americas. will an overview, in the very broadest This chapter present debates over the abostrokes, of some of the major historiographical embedded within these debates one lition of slavery (in part because emergence of the discovers the original impetus for the prominent I begin with a set studies in recent years). field of post-emancipation slow developments similar to of explanations that focus on gradual, These often involve macroTilly's idea of the formation of oilfields. world economy, structural changes such as growth of the capitalist include largebut also may state centralization or proletarianization. structures brought scale cultural changes such as new ideological herc are largely The causal mechanisms about by the Enlightenment. Then, I turn to another set of explaexternal to the Caribbean region. sudden creation of conditions for nations that focus on agency, on the efforts of various collective emancipation through the concerted of slaves themselves. ipation slow developments similar to of explanations that focus on gradual, These often involve macroTilly's idea of the formation of oilfields. world economy, structural changes such as growth of the capitalist include largebut also may state centralization or proletarianization. structures brought scale cultural changes such as new ideological herc are largely The causal mechanisms about by the Enlightenment. Then, I turn to another set of explaexternal to the Caribbean region. sudden creation of conditions for nations that focus on agency, on the efforts of various collective emancipation through the concerted of slaves themselves. the resistance and rebellion actors, particularly far closer to the gardening metaphor and These approaches are within the Caribbean region depend on causal mechanisms generated causal analysis itself. In contrast to both, I propose a middle-level external and interincludes of both structure and agency, that aspects which bridges the pre- and post-emancipation nal processes, and multi-causal (*lake') approach to sketchperiods. Finally, I apply this model of different types of transition ing a preliminary comparative out of slavery. --- Page 40 --- 20 Democ racy After Slavery of'slavery's abolition Oilfield explanations the rise and fall of the Massive efforts have gone into explaining of European abolitionAtlantic system of slavery from the perspective lines of historiography on One of the most important led to modist movements. the slow structural changes that this question focuses on economies and the accompanying ideernization of European capitalist been linked to the Enlightenment, ological changes that have variously Nonconformist Dissent or the Age of the Protestant Ethic, British views the process of change as Democratic Revolution. Whether one thrust of this outlook rooted in economics or in ideologies, the general took place because is that the ending of the Atlantic system of slavery of time in changes that occurred over long periods these of large-scale The causal mechanisms driving imperceptibly gradual steps. at the level of European occur outside of the Caribbean. processes the as a whole. empires or "world-system' from British history. where a classic Consider examples drawn attributed emancipation to a debate occurred between those who culture, and those who humanitarian movement rooted in European on a world scale. The attributed it to forces of capitalist development paradigm for at least the first "humanitarian thesis' was the dominant religious and moral half of this century. Its focus was the changing (many of them Quakers) beliefs of a select group of Englishmen such as William Wilberforce known as *the Saints'. Nonconformists moral to act against Thomas Clarkson combined a imperative and campaigns of petitioning slavery with an ability to mobilize political 1975). The spread of abolitionism and parliamentary lobbying (Anstey of these progressive in this scenario is attributed to the gradual spread became morally the Atlantic world. until slavery values throughout numbers of people who simultancously had repugnant for increasing policy. More recent versions of this increasing power over government of culture to include not simply ideologies argument expand the notion for action'. and 'cognitive styles' but cultural practices. 'recipes nature of the market economy (Haskell brought about by the changing of social movement theory to 1985). Others introduce the concepts of ideological change delineate the precise impact more powerfully social (d'Anjou 1996). (*frame transformation') on change thesis' proposes that In contrast to this approach, the 'economic cultural change and elite the real causal force in human history is not and class but the powerful forces of capitalist expansion ideologies, world. The Trinidadian historian struggle that have shaped the modern framed this thesis in his and politician Eric Williams prominently (1944). He argued that slavery classic book Capitalism and Slavery 1985). Others introduce the concepts of ideological change delineate the precise impact more powerfully social (d'Anjou 1996). (*frame transformation') on change thesis' proposes that In contrast to this approach, the 'economic cultural change and elite the real causal force in human history is not and class but the powerful forces of capitalist expansion ideologies, world. The Trinidadian historian struggle that have shaped the modern framed this thesis in his and politician Eric Williams prominently (1944). He argued that slavery classic book Capitalism and Slavery --- Page 41 --- Caribbean Configurations of Freedom 21 economic contributors to the British and the slave trade were major and that after the loss industrial revolution of the eighteenth century colonies of the North American colonies in 1776, slave plantation could declined in importance to Britain's economy. Therefore, slavery it. The abolished because British capitalism no longer required be details of the Williams thesis have been rightly challenged in economic thrust of his argument remains an impormany regards, yet the general adherents. The most significant tant influence and still has many of cultural and ideological modification has been the inclusion a dimension to the capitalist rejection of slavery. Brion Davis argues that Building on the Williams thesis, David bourgeois 'hegestructural change. but also a shift toward not just crucial factor in the abolition of slavery. Shifting hegemony' was the conjuncture of laissez-faire mony brought about a new ideological of rational behaviour for which economics. utilitarianism and precepts opposition to slavery provarious reform movements including shift is seen as a kind vided a kind of moral cloak. Here the ideological fundamental structural adjustment led by more of superstructural of this view is Michael Craton who argues changes. Another proponent continuities in capitalist exploitation of that there are overwhelming before and after the abolition of slavery Caribbean workers both of the problem of freedom in (Craton 1997). Thomas Holt's analysis and free labour ideology Jamaica also suggests that abolitionism class who validated British liberalism and the new bourgeois together century (Holt 1992). In each case, came to power in the mid-nineteenth irrelevant to the it is argued that slavery had become cconomically to some. dominant class in society, as well as morally repugnant thesis is Seymour One of the major critics of the cconomic that book Econocide (1977) aimed to demonstrate Drescher, whose were in decline neither at the time slavery and the plantation system slave trade in 1807 nor during the period of Britain's abolition of the if British coloitself was abolished. In fact, anything, when slavery was still thriving and expanding nial slavery as an economic system thus to end it was a until the early 1830s, according to Drescher; up suicide. Moreover, in answer to the neo-Gramscian form of economic Drescher (1987) points out that capitalthesis of shifting hegemony, of abolition ists were not the only (nor even the primary) classes promoters of the industrializof slavery. In fact, it was the new working campaigns who mobilized the massive petition ing north of England Parliament. If capitalist expansion had that put SO much pressure on in an industrial working abolitionism, it was creating any impact on changed the balance of power class in England, which ultimately there. , in answer to the neo-Gramscian form of economic Drescher (1987) points out that capitalthesis of shifting hegemony, of abolition ists were not the only (nor even the primary) classes promoters of the industrializof slavery. In fact, it was the new working campaigns who mobilized the massive petition ing north of England Parliament. If capitalist expansion had that put SO much pressure on in an industrial working abolitionism, it was creating any impact on changed the balance of power class in England, which ultimately there. --- Page 42 --- 22 Democracy After Slavery Drescher also argues, quite that and ideological factors attributed convincingly, all ofthe economic present in the Netherlands, to 'causing' British abolition were yet there was no movement there (Drescher 1994); in the absence significant anti-slavery working class, no amount of elite of a mobilized slavery. Converscly, France abolished ideological pressure would end Revolution in the absence of a slavery during the French Britain's and with little powerful anti-slavery campaign like regard to the United States, apparent bourgeois support for abolition. With Stanley the work of David Eltis, Robert Engerman also supports the Fogel and only economically viable right until argument that slavery was not up its abolition, but significance to world markets. Their work was of great of the economic thesis, for they show undermines the basic tenets hand in hand. Indeed, sugar booms in capitalism and slavery growing half of the nineteenth Cuba and Brazil in the second century intensified ing new technologies, industrial slavery even while introducworld market (Moreno processes and links to an expanding Fraginals 1976). In arguing that economic growth, rather nied the abolition of slavery, several than decline. accompacentred explanation. The traditional analysts turn to a more statestate-centred in SO far as it emphasized "humanitarjan' thesis was partially leading to changes in state public pressure on Parliament have examined policy. More recently, however. historians cconomy and the precisely how structural changes in both the state enabled the modern succeed in Britain, and not, for anti-slavery mobilization to brief radical phase of the example, in France (except during a Britain's abolition of the slave Revolution). Eltis. for example, attributes certain advanced characteristics trade in 1807 to its combination of both its national (compared to other European states) economy and its state of ness ofthe crucial role of the modern (Eltis 1987). A similar awarealso apparent in the work of Du Bois state (along with the economy) is the Reconstruction Era. For and others who have studied crucial impact of forces of example. Anthony Marx emphasizes the abolition of slavery and the centralization of state power in both the States, much like apartheid in development of segregation in the United theories focus South Africa (Marx 1998). on the relatively State-centred tion in bringing about abolitionist autonomous effects of state centralizastate under the ideological outcomes, rather than subsuming the A slightly different superstructure of bourgeois account oft the hegemony. to the abolition of slavery is offered importance of structural change Immanuel Wallerstein. in the world-system This is perhaps the theory of point of view, for in contrast to historians most oilfield' inspired economic and cultural change within who focus on questions of metropolitan centres, Wallerstein focus South Africa (Marx 1998). on the relatively State-centred tion in bringing about abolitionist autonomous effects of state centralizastate under the ideological outcomes, rather than subsuming the A slightly different superstructure of bourgeois account oft the hegemony. to the abolition of slavery is offered importance of structural change Immanuel Wallerstein. in the world-system This is perhaps the theory of point of view, for in contrast to historians most oilfield' inspired economic and cultural change within who focus on questions of metropolitan centres, Wallerstein --- Page 43 --- Caribbean Configurations of Freedom 23 in the global economy as (1980) shifts the focus to creeping change world economy with a He describes the emergence of a a whole. and a shifting zone of "semi-peripheries' and capitalist core in Europe In his view, the fifteenth- to peripheries' as this core expands. was replaced in the sixteenth-century Spanish American periphery which was then seventeenth to eighteenth century by the Caribbean, South East Asia, the development in India, superceded by plantation the development of slavery is a Pacific and Africa. In this paradigm, world system, which is just as tool for the expansion of the capitalist with new forms of easily dropped as new peripheries are incorporated labour, debt peonage, labour exploitation such as indenture, contract Which social actors actually share cropping, etc. (cf. Beckford 1972). which the world-system abolished slavery is less important than phase the question of has reached in each place. This approach sidesteps slaves. altogether, whether by abolitionists or rebel of agency locate the causal factors and processes All of these approaches wholly outside of the Americas, change driving the abolition of slavery or exist at some kind whether the motors of change are within Europe and in the class and of global level. Changes in the global economy components of structure of European countries may be necessary state the abolition of slavery. but are they sufficient? As any argument about of Wallerstein, just as crucial in Steve Stern has argued in a critique of slave emancipation are the understanding the timing and patterns (Stern 1988). We actions taken by people on the supposed periphery and revolution by working must take into account resistance, rebellion them, as well as the horizontal classes against the system that exploits elites who may act to protect linkages that develop among Creole of imperial powers or global regional interests against the imperatives emerges: what is the relaeconomies. An important new question freedom then and Crcole elite strugtionship between slaves' struggles for interference? Beyond underlying gles for autonomy from metropolitan it is the interplay of these two structural and ideological changes, the actual timing driving forces that plays a major part in determining that there are both abolition. In this sense, we can say of slavery's mechanism driving the abolition process external and internal causal forward. factor in the case of Cuba's relaThis certainly seems to be a key Rebecca Scott argues that late abolition of slavery in 1886. the tively economy nor changes within neither changes in the plantation explain why emancipation took Spanish state, alone or in combination, and Cuban elites. it was resisted both by Spanish SO long or why our analysis to include other Instead, she argues, we must expand While pressure for slaves, freedmen, peasants and insurgents. actors: 's mechanism driving the abolition process external and internal causal forward. factor in the case of Cuba's relaThis certainly seems to be a key Rebecca Scott argues that late abolition of slavery in 1886. the tively economy nor changes within neither changes in the plantation explain why emancipation took Spanish state, alone or in combination, and Cuban elites. it was resisted both by Spanish SO long or why our analysis to include other Instead, she argues, we must expand While pressure for slaves, freedmen, peasants and insurgents. actors: --- Page 44 --- 24 Democracy Afer Slavery à (i.c. the liberal reforms of 1868) reform in Spain certainly played part the abolition of slavery in the along with external pressures such as consider new perceptions United States in 1865, it is also important to themselves. The Ten Years' and scope for activity on the part of slaves eastern province of Oriente centred in the mountainous War (1868-78) Antonio Maceo brought about the "ameliand led by Afro-Cubans like Law, while war and reform together orative' policies of the Moret for individual strategies of selfand latitude offered new opportunities As Spain moved emancipation through fighting, flight or self-purchase. between abolition of slavery in the 1880s, bargaining toward formal courts known as Juntas Protectadoras workers. landowners and special of emancipation. Most de Libertados made for a dynamic process in the legal emancipation was not SO much experienced slaves to importantly, free and slave, but in the very struggle by distinction between their freedom. That is why selfassert their rights and actively test even when form of self-emancipation purchase remained an important slavery was about to end. of slavery's abolition Garden explanations became SO important to reinterHere we begin to see why slave agency described above. It was preting the whole current of historiography that fed into a new phase in the study 'bottom-up' analyses like Scott's on great Unlike the previous emphasis of slavery and emancipation. structures bringing about abolition, a shifts in ideological or economic into individual cases and close new cohort ofl historians began to delve emancipation from the study at the local and regional level, exploring metaphor is particularly "grassroots' up, SO to speak. The "gardening" began to be seen as appropriate here, not only because emancipation bring about in particular that slaves themselves helped to something but also because gardening was, literally. an importlocal time-frames, freedom. The slave's kitchen garden and ant site for the cultivation of as one ofthe most importprovision ground has come to be understood could build some degree of through which slaves ant mechanisms 1979: Besson 1979, autonomous life, community and kinship (Mintz was crucial to the The cconomic and social space of the garden 1995). even during slavery, and it became making of a *culture of resistance' freedom could be the seed-corn from which post-emancipation cultivated. debates over the abolition of slavery usually Whereas previous outside of local political interactions located the 'motors of change' civil societies and completely (Stern 1993), neglected Caribbean understood could build some degree of through which slaves ant mechanisms 1979: Besson 1979, autonomous life, community and kinship (Mintz was crucial to the The cconomic and social space of the garden 1995). even during slavery, and it became making of a *culture of resistance' freedom could be the seed-corn from which post-emancipation cultivated. debates over the abolition of slavery usually Whereas previous outside of local political interactions located the 'motors of change' civil societies and completely (Stern 1993), neglected Caribbean --- Page 45 --- Caribbean Configurations of Freedom 25 cultures, the focus has more overlooked slave and peasant political Beckles observes, 'slave recently shifted to slave resistance. As Hilary of resistance had long been conceived of as a lower species political cohesion, intellectual qualities and a behaviour, lacking in ideological for 'closer investigation of philosophical direction'; he calls instead to the culture' (Beckles 1988: 1-3). This approach slaves' political Caribbean gardens, with the making of freedom began, as do many OT uprooting and cleaning of the land. Slashing process ofdechoukaj', debris of Eurocentric history, it places the founand burning away the but dational moment of emancipation not in European enlightenment, The slave rebellion, of which the Haitian Revolution is exemplary. in is seen as a necessary and cathartic process, violence of self-liberation of the violent catharsis much like Frantz Fanon's understanding necessary for decolonization (Fanon 1967). historians from the Caribbean, along with some metropoliMany the Eurocentrism of the oilfield' tan anthropologists, challenged focus of attention to the New World, and to approach by shifting the themselves. James was one of the first the agency of enslaved people Revolution was 'a writers to suggest that the Saint Domingue movement' by slave gangs thoroughly prepared and organized mass other of than any group who were 'closer to a modern proletariat 1989 [1938]: 86). Building on workers in existence at the time' (James Marxist scholars such as the work of James and other Caribbean in the 1970s and 1980s Walter Rodney, Caribbean historiography rebellion and labour resistance. began increasingly to highlight slave as the most The initial emphasis was on armed uprising or marronage [1943] 1993; political instruments of the enslaved (Aptheker important 1979). It is now clear that violent resistance to Price 1973: Genovese the revolts on slave ships during the middle slavery was endemic, from rebellions and discovered plots in passage to the scores of attempted the New World (Geggus 1997). taken into account more fully in any Slave agency now has to be slave rebellion and ofthe abolition of slavery. In studying explanation however, a number of new debates emerged. how it changed over time, Craton identified a pattern of differenIn The Sinews of Empire (1974), slave revolts that predated sugar Maroon-led tiation between early whites; African-led rebelmonoculture and often aimed to exterminate to recreate that had liberationist orientations and attempted lions and late Creole-led rebellions with African society on the plantations; and more limited aims of reform Christianized elite slaves as leaders In later work, Craton recognized within the European colonial system. and has admitted his failure to the shortcomings of his chronology, of different slave rebels, examine the potential ideological positions enIn The Sinews of Empire (1974), slave revolts that predated sugar Maroon-led tiation between early whites; African-led rebelmonoculture and often aimed to exterminate to recreate that had liberationist orientations and attempted lions and late Creole-led rebellions with African society on the plantations; and more limited aims of reform Christianized elite slaves as leaders In later work, Craton recognized within the European colonial system. and has admitted his failure to the shortcomings of his chronology, of different slave rebels, examine the potential ideological positions --- Page 46 --- 26 Democracy Afier Slavery and particularly thc impact of the Haitian revolution. still sees slave ideology as based in the Nevertheless. he ary) aims of small landholding, which proto-peasant (non-revolutionperiod (Craton 1997). continued into the post-slavery In contrast, Eugene Genovese argued that slave the French and Haitian revolutions rebellions prior to reacting against enslavement, were traditionalist and simply but did not system as a whole, whereas those radically challenge the adopted the radically following the period of revolution Thus. they revolutionary ideology of equality of all men. challenged the entire existence of the Genovese, like James, tried to bring slave slave system. the fore by depicting slaves as political consciousness to More recently, historians like David 'proto-proletarian" revolutionaries. slave Geggus have questioned uprisings ever adopted this kind of revolutionary whether idcology; many, in fact, appear to have democratic monarchism and rumours of royal appealed to conservative into the nineteenth century emancipation proclamations well These debates (Gaspar and Geggus 1997). have important slave uprisings and their implications for how we interpret they shift the locus of attention revolutionary potential; most importantly. of the slaves themselves. away from Europe and into the world Anstey, Drescher, Blackburn Beckles (1988) attacks Craton, Davis, humanitarians. and others for still and seeing the slave's focusing on white eral or secondary. In struggle for freedom as periphethos' ofthe slaves, suggesting that we focus on the and the multiple political ideologies 'self-liberation they may have used to further this ethos, Beckles and strategies against non-Marxist views, but also pits not only Marxist produced in the Caribbean scholarship against that tions about the metropolitan core. Indeed, he raises fundamental production of knowledge and its quesunderstand the meaning of freedom. Does impact on how we freedom contain a more radical kernel the slave's ideology of of Western than the discredited modernity, the very ideologies that ideologies One sociologist who has placed justified slavery? standing the Western valuation slavery at the centre of underinversion of common of freedom is Patterson. In a bold slavery America logic. he argues that without the would in all likelihood have institution of dition and would not have come to enshrine had no denocratic traits pantheon of values' (Patterson freedom at the verytop of 1987: 545, Tracing a passage from ancient Greek [italics in originall). slave plantation system of imperial household slavery through the ideology of redemption, he Rome, and into the Christian of freedom [in the contends that 'the very idea and valuation of West] was generated by the slavery' (Patterson 1991: xiv). If he is experience and growth correct that freedom is a not have come to enshrine had no denocratic traits pantheon of values' (Patterson freedom at the verytop of 1987: 545, Tracing a passage from ancient Greek [italics in originall). slave plantation system of imperial household slavery through the ideology of redemption, he Rome, and into the Christian of freedom [in the contends that 'the very idea and valuation of West] was generated by the slavery' (Patterson 1991: xiv). If he is experience and growth correct that freedom is a --- Page 47 --- Caribbean Configurations of Freedom 27 of but because of it, constitutive Western value not in spite slavery relationship it becomes imperative that we re-evaluate the then Atlantic of slavery and the democratic revolutions between the system that occurred alongside it. Even and expansions of popular citizenship he is at least correct in if one rejects Patterson's strong hypothesis, defined 'in noting that the rights of free citizens were originally case of which contradistinction with the non-native, the most extreme defined the alien both enhanced and was the slavel the population 1991: 78, 91). By interrogating the values of citizenship' (Patterson in the modern democratic state with constitutional freedoms enshrined slavery, we are perhaps in sensitivity to their roots in institutionalized of freedom better to understand the limited implementation a position in post-slavery contexts. scale of oilfields, but clings to Patterson returns us to the temporal and its powers of moral the small causal mechanism of the human spirit does not occur in a cultivation. Yet, it is clear that self-emancipation changes occurring vacuum. We still need to ask how macro-structural at different world and affecting different colonial powers in the system, of slave resistance and rebellion. rates, shaped the timing and impact did their resistance And from the opposite perspective, what whole? impact Did slave resistance and rebellion have on the system as a As Arthur anti-slavery action in any way? accelerate metropolitan not ofhow the valuation Stinchcombe notes, we face a question simply of how it translated into and for freedom arose, but also got of struggle level of the state. The crucial question is what political action at the and metropolitan govchannels' existed between colonial populations of the planters and from ernments, both from the pro-slavery viewpoint 1996: 224). viewpoint of the slaves (Stinchcombe the anti-slavery of the early debates over slave agency One of the shortcomings between violent acts of was the failure to examine the relationship and day-to-day political rebellion and forms of non-violent resistance Fanonian) emphasis on consciousness. The initial (one might say available to slaves previolent rebellion as the only truly political act of resistance and of analycluded the possibility of more subtle forms of resistance'. It also development of 'cultures sis of the long-term of women. Some historians tended to overlook the political agency not only the extent to have redressed this imbalance by exploring and flight from plantain violent fighting which women participated question of the 'infrapolities' of tions, but also the more Foucauldian forms of resistance adds a richer resistance. Recognizing multiple culture of slaves, and may of the political texture to our reconstruction debates over slave political consciousness. help resolve some of the into focus more subtle forms of Recent work in this area brings development of 'cultures sis of the long-term of women. Some historians tended to overlook the political agency not only the extent to have redressed this imbalance by exploring and flight from plantain violent fighting which women participated question of the 'infrapolities' of tions, but also the more Foucauldian forms of resistance adds a richer resistance. Recognizing multiple culture of slaves, and may of the political texture to our reconstruction debates over slave political consciousness. help resolve some of the into focus more subtle forms of Recent work in this area brings --- Page 48 --- 28 Democracy Afier Slavery "everyday' slave resistance as integral parts of an overall resistance (Besson 1995; Craton 1982; Heuman culture of Olwig 1985;J. Scott 1985, 1990). Acts of resistance 1986; Okihiro 1986; ging, attacks on property, appropriation of such as foot-drag- "hidden' actions such as goods from masters, or poisoning, abortion and come into view (Bush 1990; Beckles 1989; witchcraft have all It has become J. Scott 1985). the full range of increasingly in apparent that if we are to understand ways which slaves and freed limited project of liberal people challenged the freedom, then democracy and radicalized its we will need an expanded notion of ideal of politics. The fundamental what constitutes impetus behind this line of challenge the idea that valued 'social reasoning is to goods' like abolition democracy and freedom came first from of slavery, then percolated down into Caribbean developments in Europe and Fanonian and the Foucauldian, societies. Both approaches, the building free societies; emphasize how slaves contributed to internal causal they show that slave agency is an mechanism for explaining the important neither approach pays a great deal of attention ending of slavery. Yet, mission of influence. By to the question of transsis and everyday action, focusing SO closely on psychological catharthey either lose and political contexts in which sight of the larger timeframe simplify them into these actions were taking place. or scrutiny. evolutionary schemas that do not hold up to close The notion that there is some monolithic ance in different form of political resistperiods or at different stages of example, has served to obscure varieties of 'crcolization'. for differences in political access in different political orientation and groups of people at different times. places and for different research women's Elsewhere, I have begun to in order to understand post-emancipation the political participation in Jamaica with those interplay of civil modes of political frequent occasions when women did protest (Sheller 1998). Here a new set of questions arises. resort to violence ship between labour disputes, What is the relationmeetings, strikes, demonstrations. voting, riots and rebellions? How, when and petitions. public cumstances did Caribbean women and under what circolours and ethnicities resort to men of different classes, And how did different state particular repertoires of contention? women were in fact central actors react to them? I have found that to popular Jamaica, and were recognized as such political mobilization in ies and state personnel who had to deal by with plantation owners, missionardisfranchisement and lack of rights, black their resistance. In spite of sense of collective agency and women clearly had an acute public realm. Their were not totally excluded from the struggles for freedom, dignity and survival what circolours and ethnicities resort to men of different classes, And how did different state particular repertoires of contention? women were in fact central actors react to them? I have found that to popular Jamaica, and were recognized as such political mobilization in ies and state personnel who had to deal by with plantation owners, missionardisfranchisement and lack of rights, black their resistance. In spite of sense of collective agency and women clearly had an acute public realm. Their were not totally excluded from the struggles for freedom, dignity and survival --- Page 49 --- Caribbean Configurations of Freedom 29 their everyday lives. As a Haitian saying puts it, 'Nou lèd, politicized nou la' we're ugly but we're here. of the rebel slave, While occasionally verging on romanticization (Beckles 1989, but the Maroon, or the slave woman as 'natural rebels' re-invigorated a cf. 1998), the recovery of slave agency has certainly be correct that whole branch of historiography. While Geggus may conservative, rebel slaves in many instances turned to isolationist, nineteenth political solutions in the early royalist or militaristic for and rebelsuch findings have not been proven conspiracies century, politilions after the 1820s. Moreover, if one investigates post-slavery been slaves, or cal movements among pcople who had themselves radical had been slaves, one finds there were clearly whose parents circulation. One of the objectives of this book democratic ideologies in activists in the period is to demonstrate that many Afro-Caribbean in their aims, from the 1840s to 1860s were certainly not conservative corroborates findings ideologies and political outlooks. My research radicalcurrents of peasant and proletarian that there were significant Caribbean, including democratic, ism in the mid-ninetcenth century A far cry from the old bugbear of republican and socialist ideologies. our task now is to understand how 'resistance versus accommodation', 2 favourable conditions, and these movements emerged under particular conditions. under unfavourable to what extent they were suppressed explanation Towards a multi-causal have only recently begun to systematically compare Social scientists As Karen Fog Olwig post-emancipation social and political patterns. sciences have concenobserves in regard to the Caribbean, 'the social historical research has societies, whereas trated mainly on present-day (Olwig, 1995: 3). Yet, rather than largely been devoted to slavery' to formal decrees of the focusing on the crescendo of forces leading should instead be looking at abolition of slavery and stopping there, we exercised by workers in the variations in the degree of freedom and after slavery. In other American plantation zone both during that of the plantation worker, our point of view to words, by shifting abolition of slavery may itself be less important we see that the formal freedoms. The struggle for actual on-the-ground than the ongoing is that they flourished in the soil of paradox of democratic values often limited and curtailed slavery, and once slavery ended, they were could push until new movements (at least for several generations Movement in the United States). forward, like the Civil Rights and constantly interrupted Emancipation was a multi-sided, dispersed American plantation zone both during that of the plantation worker, our point of view to words, by shifting abolition of slavery may itself be less important we see that the formal freedoms. The struggle for actual on-the-ground than the ongoing is that they flourished in the soil of paradox of democratic values often limited and curtailed slavery, and once slavery ended, they were could push until new movements (at least for several generations Movement in the United States). forward, like the Civil Rights and constantly interrupted Emancipation was a multi-sided, dispersed --- Page 50 --- 30 Democracy After Slavery struggle for local expansion in the breadth and depth of rights wherever and whenever democratic by breathtaking assaults progress could be made, accompanied of retreat and on those same rights in countervailing periods retrenchment. This suggests a far-reaching transformation in and study the processes of abolition and how we think about seeing freedom as a status guaranteed by emancipation. law Rather than does not have, it should be seen as that one either has or less ofin different situations, something that one has more of or and at different out the Americas continued to times. Workers throughwere still denied them after struggle for fundamental rights that liberation did not end. emancipation. SO the process of selfFollowing as a continuous variable, Stinchcombe, I understand freedom a sliding continuum of ships rather than an existential state or legal pragmatic relationa single moment when one becomes status. Emancipation is not process of interaction free, but is attached to a between former slaves, former long-term personnel, along with various brokers or mediators masters and state sionaries and judges to overseers and abolitionists. ranging from miswas not the triumphal march of humanitarian Emancipation, then, earlier celebratory accounts of the abolition of progress depicted in it be grimly reduced to the grinding slavery. yet neither can exploitation and hegemonic imperatives of one-way capitalist recent neo-Gramscian adjustment, as pessimistically depicted in accounts. tural constraints with human Understanding the interaction of strucroom for both the agency requires an account that allows possibilities and for multiple causation. impossibilities of social change, and Stinchcombe who is neither a historian nor per se has brought to bear sociological a "Caribbeanist' studying variation across the Caribbean. tools of generalization in European empires transmitted the He argues that each of the the age of democratic revolution ideology of freedom associated with and with different to its sugar colonies at different times intensities. This less resistance transmission then met with more or depending on the degree to was a slave society'. The which a particular colony slave society degree to which a Caribbean island depended on two factors. First. was a the sugar frontier, that is, the boom in there was the timing of ated large-scale importation of slaves. plantation-formation and associusually adventurer-hachclor Before the sugar boom, there are free coloureds, and small societies made up of rich and poor whites, slave there is a transformation into populations. During the sugar boom, a small white ling a large population of newly settler population controlslaves. After the boom, there is a imported largely young, male, African the slave population stabilizes period of f'ereolization' during which into families, with higher numbers of frontier, that is, the boom in there was the timing of ated large-scale importation of slaves. plantation-formation and associusually adventurer-hachclor Before the sugar boom, there are free coloureds, and small societies made up of rich and poor whites, slave there is a transformation into populations. During the sugar boom, a small white ling a large population of newly settler population controlslaves. After the boom, there is a imported largely young, male, African the slave population stabilizes period of f'ereolization' during which into families, with higher numbers of --- Page 51 --- Caribbean Configurations of Freedom 31 mixed' people; there also tends to be a locally born and 'racially and the growth of a native diversification of crops (where practicable) Slave society is most merchant class with distinct local interests. intense before and intense at the height of the sugar boom, and less afterits coming. a slave society is the degree of The second factor in determining are of the local government. Where planters' legislatures autonomy interference (and the upper class is autonomous from metropolitan they will have more socially and politically cohesive and organized), interference, over slaves: where there is more metropolitan power be somewhat mitigated by legal protections for planter power may how slowly evolving structural features slaves. In this model, we see and state institutions such as changes in the plantation cconomy of agency of elite actors. also affect the more immediate degree of slaves themselves, Stinchcombe also discusses the degree of agency Some slaves intra-island variations in freedom. insofar as it produces do others if they are in positions requiring enjoy more freedom than decision-making, i.e. special trust and some degree of independent with whites. In general, occupations or close personal relationships be by urban of trust were more likely to experienced such positions slaves, while rural, slaves, mulatto slaves and Creole (non-African) least arrivals from Africa experienced the independence, darker, new beyond this intra-island variation in hence the least freedom. However, makes little effort to explore the politpersonal freedom, Stinchcombe In fact, he only makes slight (though ical implications of slave agency. which black and free coloured politicrucial) reference to the ways in through might be channeled into the imperial system cal grievances of the metropole (Stinchcombe links with republican centres powerin 1996: 224-25). would have not only experienced Slaves in different positions would have developed difautonomy, but also more or less day-to-day and different means of political action, fering political ideologies forms of resistance, to ranging from violent rebellion, to everyday These differences arose political organization and civil participation. and/or abolitionist movefrom and fed back into links with republican The ideology and thus affected the outcomes of emancipation. ments, transformed and, to some extent, created by of freedom was grasped, words, as Patterson argues, there is an slaves and ex-slaves; in other valuation of freedom. Yet, the independent internal logic to the slave's and mobilizations political ideologies influence of Afro-Caribbean into varied metropolitan political were also channeled in different waysi abolition and causal mechanisms produced situations, SO multiple democratization in different ways. fed back into links with republican The ideology and thus affected the outcomes of emancipation. ments, transformed and, to some extent, created by of freedom was grasped, words, as Patterson argues, there is an slaves and ex-slaves; in other valuation of freedom. Yet, the independent internal logic to the slave's and mobilizations political ideologies influence of Afro-Caribbean into varied metropolitan political were also channeled in different waysi abolition and causal mechanisms produced situations, SO multiple democratization in different ways. --- Page 52 --- 32 Democracy After Slavery In contrast to studics of the at the macro-level of large scale emnancipation process that begin either at the micro-level of violent economic and state transformations or catharsis and infrapolitics' of my approach focuscs on a more contingent resistance, concerned with the interactional intermediary level. I am human agency is transmitted process by which future-oriented into indeterminate tion via political struggle. That is, while structural transformacausality of macro-structural accepting both the long-term of personal change and the more immediate agency, my main interest is in thc causality dictable interaction between structure dynamic and unpreis neither the European and agency. The locus of action mered out and imperial rivalries metropoles, where colonial policy was hamday-to-day politics within settled by war or diplomacy. nor the ofslaves plantation societies, where particular struggled against a seemingly permanent groups domination. Instead, I look for the system of personal the external and the internal, between politics of emancipation between the system and the micro-dynamics of macro-dynamics of the world social terrain of collective psychological warfare: here lies the contentious politics. interaction, political communication and The relational networks of the Caribbean centre ofthis analysis, as are the region itself are at the to shape the actual outcomes of Afro-Caribbean people who struggled Harding has argued, in emancipation from slavery. As Vincent freedom, seeking out their own way, defining taking the initiative to build their own their own their own convictions, black institutions and speak addressed the future of the people [in the United States) necessarily In larger society as well' challenging the system of slavery, the (Harding 1981: 264). also addressed the future of their people of Haiti and Jamaica whole. Rather than societies and of Western society as a simply transmitted from attributing democracy to an ideology that was should Europe to the New World, I begin with the struggles for argue that we nized and enslaved communities. self-determination within the colowith concurrent and determine how they interacted metropolitan transformations. In the following chapters, I extend Stinchcombe's post-emancipation period, but also critically model into the suppositions and shortcomings, evaluate some ofits preagency. I Iintroduce à tripartite model particularly of in regard to peasant not only the state and the social structure wherein economy, but also civil figure spheres that mediate between these society and the public did a ruling planter class continue institutional realms. To what extent civil power after the abolition of to exercise economic, political and former slaves exercise, in which slavery? What degrees of freedom did What were the political situations, and with what results? ideologies of post-slavery peasants and other suppositions and shortcomings, evaluate some ofits preagency. I Iintroduce à tripartite model particularly of in regard to peasant not only the state and the social structure wherein economy, but also civil figure spheres that mediate between these society and the public did a ruling planter class continue institutional realms. To what extent civil power after the abolition of to exercise economic, political and former slaves exercise, in which slavery? What degrees of freedom did What were the political situations, and with what results? ideologies of post-slavery peasants and other --- Page 53 --- Caribbean Configurations of Freedom 33 what effect did the ongoing strugworkers? Perhaps most importantly, have on gle for actual freedom (i.e. even after formal emancipation) processes of democratization? Preliminary comparative model of freed workers and their In order to explore the political participation impacts of this New descendants in Haiti and Jamaica (including comparative World dynamic back on Europe), we need a preliminary the making for transitions. In order to understand model post-slavery freedom in Haiti and Jamaica, I first want to of different types of contexts, in order to clarify some ofthe compare them to several other Taking another hint from parameters of variation in their formation. rather than a synSidney Mintz and Stinchcombe, Iapply a 'systadic' looking at several cases chronic' approach. This means that rather than that occurs in many slice oftime, I look for a single process in a single The that concerns me is a pattern places but at different times. process of setthat I have identified in a number post-emancipation of change of for democratic expansion tings. It consists of a window opportunity class of people occasioned by the extension of citizenship to a large of enslaved, followed by a period of restriction who were previously efforts to extend rights to former slaves those rights. În many cases, thwarted, leading to peasant (often through cross-class alliances) were and what I reactionary elite consolidation rebellions. state repression, am calling de-democratization in the 1840s, in Jamaica in the 1860s. In Haiti, this occurred abolition of slavery (the former revoluDespite contrasting paths to the and British-controlled), tionary and anti-French, the latter gradual islands experienced and symbolically important these economically political processes, including surprisingly similar post-emancipation opposiclaims to represent the emancipated population, and government protest and rebellion tional reform movements, peasant/proletarian freedom or extend de-democratization. If attempts to exercise finally the forefront of the overall movement for democraits meaning were at then it is clear that democratic movetization in the nineteenth century, historical settings most riddled ments could take place even in those and violent repression. with social injustice, economic inequality made the project of these conditions that ongoing Indeed, it was very was abolished in some liberation all the more urgent once slavery places and still to be abolished in others. of anti-democratic transiTable 1 depicts the distinctive pattern Haiti, Jamaica, the United tion out of slavery in four exemplary cases: finally the forefront of the overall movement for democraits meaning were at then it is clear that democratic movetization in the nineteenth century, historical settings most riddled ments could take place even in those and violent repression. with social injustice, economic inequality made the project of these conditions that ongoing Indeed, it was very was abolished in some liberation all the more urgent once slavery places and still to be abolished in others. of anti-democratic transiTable 1 depicts the distinctive pattern Haiti, Jamaica, the United tion out of slavery in four exemplary cases: --- Page 54 --- 34 Democracy After Slavery --- Page 55 --- Caribbean Configurations of Freedom 35 and Cuba. For each case, the columns present a series of chronoStates First, there is the context for slave emancipation, which logical events. and different types of is associated with different historical periods in each country. Then. there is a post-emancipation abolitionist process the rights of those who were freed from slavery, attempt to expand of freedom for a disillusioned usually related to the disappointment (possibly in alliance with other oppositional groups). younger generation (under certain condiThe failure of each of these movements prompts Or small identified as peasants' tions) a 'rebellion' among populations a retreat from democlandholders. Finally, each country experiences traditions as a kind of recognized in each of their historiographic racy, of freedom. The end result in every case is that swindle of the promise of the former slave population were the hopes and raised expectations crushed under the weight of continuing oppression. with the slave uprising In Haiti, the emancipation process began context of the French and of 1791 and the abolition of slavery in the Revolutions. Two decades of civil war and state consolidation Haitian liberal reform movement emerged that followed, but eventually a and for fuller popular particicalled for a more democratic constitution in the overthrow of pation in political life. Though succeeding failed to consolidate a new President Boyer, the 'liberal revolution' along colour and instability led to party fragmentation government rebellion in the Southern province, lines ('mulatto' VS. 'black'), peasant Republic. The final settlement of and the breakaway ofthe Dominican was the installation of a black this fumbled attempt at democratization the de doublure'. president in what came to be known as politique real was held system in which power This refers to a populist-fronted (in this case mulatto) group of behind the scenes by a traditional 1990; Nicholls 1996; power-holders. backed by the army (Trouillot and see Chapter 5). of movement towards abolition In Jamaica, the gradual process campaign in the late eighteenth included the first British abolition in 1807; the 'amelioration' procentury; abolition of the slave trade of the nineteenth century; the enfranchisement grammes of the carly in 1830; and finally the apprenticeship free coloured' population control of the local House of system of 1834-38. Plantation-owners' laws that penalized the freed Assembly, however, led to discriminatory non-white politipopulation. In response, an alliance of missionaries, of public religious leaders led a campaign cians and Native Baptist of greater black political enfranmeetings and petitioning in pursuit the demands of Governor Eyre's refusal to acknowledge chisement. at Morant Bay and its harsh this movement sparked the rebellion House of Assembly was under martial law. The Jamaican repression ' population control of the local House of system of 1834-38. Plantation-owners' laws that penalized the freed Assembly, however, led to discriminatory non-white politipopulation. In response, an alliance of missionaries, of public religious leaders led a campaign cians and Native Baptist of greater black political enfranmeetings and petitioning in pursuit the demands of Governor Eyre's refusal to acknowledge chisement. at Morant Bay and its harsh this movement sparked the rebellion House of Assembly was under martial law. The Jamaican repression --- Page 56 --- 36 Democracy Afier Slavery then abolished and replaced by Crown Colony the brief post-emancipation Rule, thereby ending ical pcriod of openly contention and electoral flourishing popular politparticipation (Heuman and see Chapters 7 and 8). 1981; Holt 1992: In the United States, abolition of slavery was in the industrializing North, but gradually introduced South until the Civil War. The vehemently resisted in the agrarian emancipation for war at first caused de facto mass selfsome slaves (through desertion of plantations): emancipation was codified and extended to the later wartime Emancipation Proclamation of 1863. majority by the slavery and end of the warin 1865 led to The final abolition of tunity for freed men (and to a period of democratic oppornow able to own land, vote in some extent women [cf. Brown 19951). office (Du Bois 1992; elections, sit on juries and hold public Reconstruction Harding 1981). However, the period of with federal troops Radical end in 1877 as federal occupying the South came to an policy turned toward reconciliation Southerners (Foner 1983, 1988; Marx with white democracy was achieved without 1998). Here, retreat from excuse, but with equally a peasant rebellion as catalyst and In the devastating outcomes. cconomically burgeoning Spanish gradual process of emancipation began with colony of Cuba, a 1868 and the Moret Law of 1870 Spain's liberal reforms of outlawing whipping), which (frecing children and the elderly, and Years' War of 1868-78. came into effect in the context of the Ten The combination of war and freeing of around one third of the enslaved reform led to the Although colonial control population (R. Scott 1985). in 1895-1898, the persevered until a second War of process of slavery abolition was Independence up in the ongoing anti-colonial debates and nevertheless caught trast to the state-contained armed struggles in conColonies experiences of the United or Brazil. The Guerra States. the British Afro-Cuban anti-colonial Chiquita of 1879 was associated with introduced the gradual leadership (Helg 1995), and Spain finally abolition in 1886 (two patronato system in 1880, culminating in full years before Brazil). However, independence from Spain, the United following Cuban and 1906 had a major States occupations of 1898 impact on the Proletarianization of small farmers combined post-slavery settlement. led to Afro-Cuban protest and in with racial polarization The strength of the Partido some regions renewed armed conflict. States withdrawal demonstrated Independiente de Color after the United issue in Cuba. The army's that racial inequality was still a central of 1912 presented the massacre of 3000 blacks in the Race War' typical of we have found elsewhere pattern anti-democratic backlash that a large population of (Helg 1995). It also led to the persecution of migrant Haitian and Jamaican sugar plantation of small farmers combined post-slavery settlement. led to Afro-Cuban protest and in with racial polarization The strength of the Partido some regions renewed armed conflict. States withdrawal demonstrated Independiente de Color after the United issue in Cuba. The army's that racial inequality was still a central of 1912 presented the massacre of 3000 blacks in the Race War' typical of we have found elsewhere pattern anti-democratic backlash that a large population of (Helg 1995). It also led to the persecution of migrant Haitian and Jamaican sugar plantation --- Page 57 --- Caribbean Configurations of Freedom 37 and solidarity in the burgeoning workers, who sought protection Association. By the mid-1920s, Cuba Universal Negro Improvement networks outside the hosted one of the most important Garveyite United States (Martin 1976: 49). from Note that there is also an overall chronological progression have been the top of the table to the bottom, SO each case may of citiinfluenced by what had gone before. In other words, the pattern not and political culture in each case was partly dependent zenship which slavery was locally abolished, but only on the internal path by taken in surrounding also on the external impact of previous lived paths in fear of the example of cases. Thus, all slave-holding empires 3 below), while a the Haitian Revolution (as discussed in Chapter became a model gradual programme such as Britain's apprenticeship also a flow ofinfluence for Cuba's patronato. Furthermore, there was colonial sites, as news, from imperial centres of power to dispersed Ideas, discourses, and governing agents flowed in this direction. people events in France, Britain or Spain provided warrants and models and constraints, for the formation of political movestimuli. resources and in the Caribbean. The French ments in Haiti, Jamaica or elsewhere of 1830, the British Reform Act Revolution itself, the July Revolution all influenced the the events of 1848, for example, of 1832 or European which reverberated across the direction and timing of cycles of protest Caribbean. At times, though, the Atlantic and sent ripples throughout reflected from the Caribbean back to such waves ofinfluence were also terror in Europe or emulation Europe, as when events in Haiti sparked among anti-slavery activists. ofthe emancipaTable 2 categorizes these various configurations hand, the abolition of into four possible types. On the one tion process and relatively sudden, as it was in slavery could either be war-driven United States Civil War; or policythe Haitian Revolution and the it was in Jamaica's or Cuba's driven and gradually introduced, as On the other hand, we see that the planned systems of apprenticeship. associated with the overcould either be intimately abolition process it was in Haiti (towards the end of the throw of colonial rule as several wars of independence). Revolution) and Cuba (drawn out over Table 2 Types ofAbolition of Slavery State-contained State-overturning United States Wardriven/mmediate Haiti Jamaica Pollcy-dtiven/gradual Cuba Jamaica's or Cuba's driven and gradually introduced, as On the other hand, we see that the planned systems of apprenticeship. associated with the overcould either be intimately abolition process it was in Haiti (towards the end of the throw of colonial rule as several wars of independence). Revolution) and Cuba (drawn out over Table 2 Types ofAbolition of Slavery State-contained State-overturning United States Wardriven/mmediate Haiti Jamaica Pollcy-dtiven/gradual Cuba --- Page 58 --- 38 Democracy Afier Slavery Orit could be carefully contained by the existing state (as with government control of emancipation in the United States federal colonial control in Jamaica). and British These broad differences in process and outcome of terned the type of post-slavery abolition patand the kinds of public citizenship that emerged in each case practices in which citizens more importantly, the timing and type of could engage. Even impacted on overarching formations of class. emancipation racial, process also national distinctions, for each colour, ethnic and in significantly different country marked these social boundaries ways. If Afro-Caribbean shaped the meaning and practice of freedom working classes with land-owning and mercantile through robust interaction then the very process of that interaction elites, missionaries and state actors, identities and fluid boundaries also marked out the political mation, for example, had a between groups. Military-led transforsignificant impact on citizenship and public participation subsequent models of gradual political alliance quite different from cases of building; likewise, into ing state shaped the potential for nationalist integration an existdifferent ways than did anti-colonial consciousness in quite The new economic, civil and political war. formations Haiti and Jamaica in their respective that emerged in shaped popular political post-emancipation periods both the participation and were themselves repeated incursions of freed men and women shaped by define their freedom. Jamaican seeking to test and bequeathed the 'boon' of British freed slaves were not simply down previously used freedom, nor were they just handed repertoire of contention. scripts and worn costumes from the British ative adaptation, Contention depends on political skills of crefreed timing. local action and tactics; to slaves had to forge their own develop these, nial wing of the state, albeit relationship with a stubborn coloof one that had certain response and control. Likewise, Haitians pre-existing patterns state from the remnants of the created their own unique destroyed French colonial building on a fiercely independent republican government, constitutional models from the United States military and borrowing nal features such as the constitutional (though bringing in origihistories and new public forays abolition of slavery). Previous dangerous channels that ordered together established a range of safe and and also shaped what might be called the possibilities of collective action Where collective action state 'repertoires of coercion'. the state's crossed into danger zones, the ability to use armed force and question of Armed force was always crucial to the coercion became crucial. and there is no reason to think that it should maintenance of slave societies, as a factor in the post-emancipation simply have disappeared political calculus. Geggus argues, istories and new public forays abolition of slavery). Previous dangerous channels that ordered together established a range of safe and and also shaped what might be called the possibilities of collective action Where collective action state 'repertoires of coercion'. the state's crossed into danger zones, the ability to use armed force and question of Armed force was always crucial to the coercion became crucial. and there is no reason to think that it should maintenance of slave societies, as a factor in the post-emancipation simply have disappeared political calculus. Geggus argues, --- Page 59 --- Caribbean Configurations of Freedom 39 that slave uprisings in the Greater Caribbean are patterned for example. and linked to the timing of according to levels of military garrisons 1997). This is commenmilitary campaigns in various regions (Geggus mobilization of all surate with a wider hypothesis that black political varies indirectly types in both slave societies and post-slavery societies armed force. Thus, to the degree of military autonomy and available and James observes that the absence of political protest Winston contrast to Jamaica) is not a function of a uprisings in Barbados (in mentality. It was due, quiescent political culture Or Little England blacks in Barbados, as first rather. to the military odds stacked against Bussa's Rebellion in 1816 made evident in the brutal suppression of (James 1998). to civil control is a crucial factor in Subordination of the military of polity, economy and the key period of post-slavery reconstruction efforts at democratization in civil society, just as it would be in later 1992; Paige 1998). Stephens and Stephens the region (Rueschemeyer, context in which that military Equally important is the international and national significance operates. The Haitian military's autonomy overthrow of slavery of its revolutionary were an inescapable legacy but it had an overwhelmingly and the hostile international response, channels of impact on the ability of its citizens to build public negative between the state and civil society. Jamaica's colonial communication not that the military was not under position, in contrast, meant only but also that there were spaces' for direct control of local landowners, exploited channels of civil association to develop. Afro-Jamaicans but also with British publicity to build alliances not only internally, with international abolitionists. the British labour movement, Or even activists and intelpolitical actors such as Haitian or African-American only became lectuals. The impact of armed coercion on publicity when martial law in Jamaica in the aftermath of rebellions in Britain. apparent even then, it caused controversy back was imposed; mobilization in Haiti differed from that in Understanding why peasant the states' reactions to such mobilizations Jamaica or Cuba (and how toward understanding differed in each case) will bring us a long way and democracy in the constructions of citizenship, freedom the varying post-slavery Caribbean. Haitian case is not an anomaly, as many previIn this regard, the fact be by the same set historians have argued, but can in explained ous mechanisms that are found in other post-slavery settings. of causal cultural exceptionalism in Haiti's Rather than seeing some peculiar Stinchcombe falls prey), we should historical trajectory (to which even of relational one of outcome of a conjuncture recognize it as type in other cases. The apparent causal factors that were also at work the varying post-slavery Caribbean. Haitian case is not an anomaly, as many previIn this regard, the fact be by the same set historians have argued, but can in explained ous mechanisms that are found in other post-slavery settings. of causal cultural exceptionalism in Haiti's Rather than seeing some peculiar Stinchcombe falls prey), we should historical trajectory (to which even of relational one of outcome of a conjuncture recognize it as type in other cases. The apparent causal factors that were also at work --- Page 60 --- 40 Democracy After Slavery uniqueness ofits outcome lies, of course, in its rare combination of a military-imposed emancipation married to an anti-colonial war pendence. The United States enjoyed the former, ofindewhich had already been achieved in 1776; without the latter, of slavery was militarily thus, like Haiti, its abolition (and with it the imposed, but, unlike Haiti, its government military) was under civil control. Cuba tried to achieve independence militarily, while studiously avoiding the island-wide immediate emancipation, which would imposition of white support for have undermined outcomes, independence. The British managed to head as did Brazil, though in different off both colonies flipped back and forth fashions. The French first abolishing unsteadily between all of the options, slavery, then re-imposing it, then regaining them. In the next suddenly losing colonies, post-slavery transitions will be chapter. this multi-causal model of applied to charting the different routes ofemancipation taken in Haiti and Jamaica, on the same direction: the decline of yet ultimately converging civil control. planter economic, political and Given the multiple paths to, and outcomes should not be surprising that those who of, emancipation. it to a number of conflicting were going through it adhered historians have been at political ideologies and programmes. Some conservatism pains to point out either the of Caribbean radicalism or the peasants as a group. to emphasize either the racial-consciousness: or the class-consciousness of actors (as if the two were mutually Caribbean political in the initial polarization of the exclusive). These debates originate models of field between oilfield versus emancipation. as discussed above. The garden really: Under what conditions does key question is Evidence from one or the other tendency prevail? cussed in Part Two) popular political movements in Haiti (as will be dissuggests that peasants there were not "apathetic' as many historians have assumed. politically Haitians agitate for an expansion of black Not only did some they also did SO in the name of the political and civil rights. but Revolution and in defense of the democratic ideals of the Haitian tions of the Haitian State. Evidence republican and anti-colonial foundain Part Three) suggests that the from Jamaica (as will be discussed networks, political discourses and conjoined forms of peasant/proletarian activist reaching and sophisticated. Moreover, political agency were farstruggles for black rights in both Haiti there is a crucial parallel in the tions that black peasants and and Jamaica, and clear indicaof their positional similarities proletarians in both countries were aware and used this own democratic ideology. knowledge to develop their --- Page 61 --- The decline of planter control in Haiti and Jamaica Defining freedom as a continuous variable Neither independent Haiti nor British tion to widespread black Jamaica made a smooth transipolitical participation and enfranchisement, and attempts to Haiti, the reform ensure equality of broaden movement and Liberal citizenship failed. In violent conflict betwecn a Revolution of 1843 ended in tors in the south, led by mulatto-dominated state and black cultivaUnderhill Mectings ended Jean-Jacques in Acaau; in Jamaica, the 1865 St. Defining freedom as a continuous variable Neither independent Haiti nor British tion to widespread black Jamaica made a smooth transipolitical participation and enfranchisement, and attempts to Haiti, the reform ensure equality of broaden movement and Liberal citizenship failed. In violent conflict betwecn a Revolution of 1843 ended in tors in the south, led by mulatto-dominated state and black cultivaUnderhill Mectings ended Jean-Jacques in Acaau; in Jamaica, the 1865 St. a rebellion by black small Thomas-in-the-East, led by Paul settlers in consciously black-identified Bogle. In both cases, selfdemocratic reform publics emerged in black movements claiming to conjunction with majority and calling for the extension represent the interests ofthe rights. Yet, at these pivotal ofblack civil and the Jamaican and moments in their respective political Haitian liberal reform histories, both armed peasant rebellions movements were overtaken equality, social expressing far more radical claims by justice and participation in for racial fragmented elites regrouped, dissent governance. In both cases, democratization attempts failed, was brutally suppressed and military regime of Emperor leading in Haiti to the authoritarian replacement of the Faustin Soulouque and in Jamaica to the direct rule from London, two-hundred-year-old House of These were Assembly with racial power, but both profoundly opposite outcomes in terms of SO far as they excluded the bulk of anti-democratic the in political terms in of political participation they had population from the small taste previously had. Comparing these parallel cycles that democratization in both contexts offers ultimately undermined potential development that were not insights into the routes of Americas above all, the failure taken in the of nineteenth-century might have led to greater inclusion of democratization movements that Jamaica are especially fruitful for peasants and workers. Haiti and many initial cconomic comparison because they shared similaritics, but went through opposite political --- Page 62 --- 42 Democracy Afier Slavery (one revolutionary, the other gradual) with processes of emancipation the other a contrasting outcomes (one an independent republic, the two most colonies in the world in the colony). They were profitable and were among the most important producers late eighteenth century. of sugar just prior to their respective abolition of slavery? Occupying mountainous territories (compared to the Lesser relatively large both countries Antilles or the low coastal zones of the Caribbean). extensive on their plains with cattle combined sugar plantations savannas and coffee-growing on higher slopes. They grazing on upland with a postalso became exemplary of strong peasant development. slavery expansion of small landholding and crop diversification. contrasting kinds of state-citizen relations. However. they developed with major implications for popular politics. of With populations that were nearly 80 percent black at the time emancipation, both islands were seen not only as tests and proving ofthe claims of abolitionists. but also as measuring rods of the grounds In French Saint Domingue. *advance' of the black race worldwide. miles, there were with an area of roughly 10,000 square approximately 452,000 slaves just prior to the revolution, while in Jamaica, with an area of 4244 square miles, there were 311.000,slaves just prior to the apprenticeship period in 1834.3 These slaves. however, experienced opposite modes of emancipation as the overthrow of slavery unfolded within wider national and international political transitions that were France, Great Britain and their colonies. The punctuated reshaping of the abolition of slavery coincided with wider cycles of social timing of contention. France and its mobilization and transformation political colonies took the of revolution, but Great Britain took a overseas path less violent route with an emerging national field of public opinion claim-making. petitions and the wielded through extra-parliamentary (Bradley 1986; Tilly 1995a). Haiti's slave-led revolution and press and colonial inteindependence, and Jamaica's gradual emancipation models that marked out the opposite gration set up contrasting political of poles of a symbolic field in which the meaning and practice 'freedom' and black citizenship were tested and transformed. political colonies took the of revolution, but Great Britain took a overseas path less violent route with an emerging national field of public opinion claim-making. petitions and the wielded through extra-parliamentary (Bradley 1986; Tilly 1995a). Haiti's slave-led revolution and press and colonial inteindependence, and Jamaica's gradual emancipation models that marked out the opposite gration set up contrasting political of poles of a symbolic field in which the meaning and practice 'freedom' and black citizenship were tested and transformed. In his ambitious comparative study of the political economy of the Caribbean, Stinchcombe has argued that the sociology of slavery and freedom has been crippled by not treating freedom as a variable. Part of the problem is that in the United States, freedom is thought of defined in the Bill of ori in France, as in the as a legal concept Rights, Declaration of the Rights of Man, SO that it is either guaranteed or not' (Stinchcombe 1996: 150-51). Instead. it should be conceptualized as a 'possibility set under different causal conditions'. Just as slaves could enjoy more or fewer practical liberties, SO too could 'freed' men and --- Page 63 --- The decline of planter control in Haiti and Jamaica 43 become more or less free in different kinds of states and in women within society. If emancipation everyoccupying different positions liberties that would lose, and where led to struggles over the should planters be able to identify the liberties that ex-slaves would gain, one causal mechanisms to and apply the same set of some regular patterns, explain many different cases. Jamaica inherited the Westminster Iti is often assumed that colonial democfrom Britain and SO therefore benefited from 'tutelary system' 1996), while Haiti was bound to be racy' (cf. Payne 1993; Maingot democratic traditions on which to build autocratic because it lacked 1992). Stinchcombe, in concivil institutions (cf. Weinstein and Segal that Haiti had one of the most democratic governments trast, suggests in the nineteenth century because ofits revoluin the Caribbean region ties, evenifit did not qualify as a tionary independence from imperial the other hand, the 'racist oligarchic 'good' democracy. In Jamaica, on backed by a more or less nonparliamentarism of the British islands, but its colonial office, provided stability and some civility, governing more tuition than democracy, and not tutelary democracy had provided Neither was very much of either' (Stinchcombe 1996: 13). country rule after democratic, then, but each had certain aspects of democratic My for further democratization. slavery ended, plus a strong potential actual forms of political claimapproach, then, is to compare the existed in the interaction that post-slavery making and state-citizen reason to believe that Haitians could period in each island. There is no than any country have broader and more equal citizenship not enjoyed constitutional system, given the in the Americas under a democratic to believe that colonial right conditions; nor is there any reason democracy or inculcatconducive to fostering Jamaica was particularly To the contrary, the Haitian ing democratic values and outlooks. and liberty, while the colRevolution enshrined the values of equality directly contrary to onial state in Jamaica more often than not acted hisvalues. In this regard, rather than being a retrospective democratic back along one path from the past to the torical account, looking history', highlighting the present, what is required is a 'prospective of selection of [in] a process "opening and closing possibilities.. (Tilly 1993: 17). strongly constrained by previous history' research by historians of In synthesizing a great deal of previous some ofthe sociovarious Caribbean territories, Stinchcombe provides of the parametools with which to attempt an overall mapping logical mentioned above, he suggests that there are general ters of freedom. As determined whether a slave-holding island causal mechanisms which The two main Caribbean was more or less of a 'slave society'. in the the degree of planter dominance (which variables in his model are closing possibilities.. (Tilly 1993: 17). strongly constrained by previous history' research by historians of In synthesizing a great deal of previous some ofthe sociovarious Caribbean territories, Stinchcombe provides of the parametools with which to attempt an overall mapping logical mentioned above, he suggests that there are general ters of freedom. As determined whether a slave-holding island causal mechanisms which The two main Caribbean was more or less of a 'slave society'. in the the degree of planter dominance (which variables in his model are --- Page 64 --- 44 Democrucy After Slavery determines inter-island variation in freedom) and the degree of slave (which determines intra-island variation). Planter dominance agency the of sugar in the economy, the degree of depended on importance and the extent to which the solidarity within the planter aristocracy affairs were left to run island local planter-dominated interference. governments Slave agency refers to the exerindependent ofimperial decision-making in everyday life. i.c. the degree to cise of choice and This, in turn, on which slaves were treated like free people. depended the type of tie in the master-slave relationship based on *the slave owner's need for the slave's consent and enthusiasm as a trusted agent'. These general mechanisms can be extended to the post-slavery period in order to see how freedom for former slaves varied both between and within islands. First, though. we must shift Stinchcombe's *slave society' variables to a post-slavery context. The question of planter dominance continues in a very similar form after emancipation because big landowners remained a prominent political force throughout the Caribbean; however, the timing of the sugar frontier' recedes in causal prominence while the timing of expansion and diversification of peasant crops moves forward. 4 Peasant landholding as an alternative became the terrain for wresting economic to sugar monoculture key from planters, and with it political and civil power as well power (Mintz 1989; Rodney 1981; Fick 1990). In this sense, it seems appropriate to refer to this cluster of variables as the degree of planter control' ofboth economy and polity, for then it can be weighed against the degree of peasant agency'. which only emerges as a political possibility after slave emancipation. I also disaggregate this variable into three areas of control, reflecting different institutional settings: economic, political and civil. Second, the question of slave agency must be translated into a of Variations in post-slavery peasant new question peasant agency. have been attributed to a autonomy in different Caribbean regions combination of economic, geographic and political factors that together determined availability of land for peasant settlement (Mintz 1989; Higman 1995; Stinchcombe 1996). The main economic variable is the timing and rate of plantation development and decline: where the sugar frontier had already passed its peak, more land was available after emancipation for peasants. Geographically, peasants "gained a more secure foothold in the larger and more mountainous territories. [and] were more attenuated or constrained in smaller Or flatter islands' (Besson 1995: 73). At the regional level, this meant that peasants were prevented from gaining a foothold on plains and valleys dominated by sugarcane, but were able to concentrate landholding in hilly or moun- economic variable is the timing and rate of plantation development and decline: where the sugar frontier had already passed its peak, more land was available after emancipation for peasants. Geographically, peasants "gained a more secure foothold in the larger and more mountainous territories. [and] were more attenuated or constrained in smaller Or flatter islands' (Besson 1995: 73). At the regional level, this meant that peasants were prevented from gaining a foothold on plains and valleys dominated by sugarcane, but were able to concentrate landholding in hilly or moun- --- Page 65 --- --- Page 66 --- 46 Democracy After Slavery tainous areas not suitable for cane (see Figure 2). Finally, differences in the process and context of emancipation affected the degree to who became "free' were afforded an equal status of which ex-slaves was constrained, the more full citizenship: the more that planter control that peasant agency could expand affected by slave emanHow were Jamaican and Haitian planters cipation? This chapter tracks the decline not only of planter economic and political control, which we would expect in old sugar colonies with growing peasantries. but also the decline of what I call planter 'civil control',an element somewhat neglected (at least theoretically) by Stinchcombe. Because many analyses of the post-emancipation period focus solely on economic changes at the level of the plantation. and political changes concerning the state (particularly relations between local and metropolitan government). they overlook changes in the constitution of civil society. I bring all three institutional spheres into focus by thematizing them in this chapter in relation to the decline in planter control in Haiti and Jamaica. In subsequent chapters, I show how changing configurations of economic, political and civil control allowed for the emergence ofboth elite oppositional publics and radical subaltern publics. whose successful democratic alliance would spell the end ofp plantation society. Yet it was a movement for democratization whose time had not come. as post-slavery societies throughout the Americas retreated from the radical implications of freedom. The decline of planter economic control Extending Stinchcombe's model into the post-slavery period. we can hypothesize that a decline in the economic importance of sugar should have had a negative impact on the degree of planter social and political dominance. In both Haiti and Jamaica after slave emancipation. there was a rapid decline in sugar exports accompanied by an increase in production of 'provisions" and small export crops. As sugar waned in economic importance for both islands, land was made available to freedmen, via distribution to soldiers in Haiti (Lacerte 1975) and the free village systein in Jamaica (Mintz 1958: Turner 1982). In this sense, planter control over land was visibly decreasing. Nevertheless, all big landowners struggled to maintain control over the plantation labour forces and to continue sugar production against unfavourable odds: the sugar frontier was long gone, and many plantations were encumbered with deep debts, exhausted soil and uncooperative 'free"' labour forces. importance for both islands, land was made available to freedmen, via distribution to soldiers in Haiti (Lacerte 1975) and the free village systein in Jamaica (Mintz 1958: Turner 1982). In this sense, planter control over land was visibly decreasing. Nevertheless, all big landowners struggled to maintain control over the plantation labour forces and to continue sugar production against unfavourable odds: the sugar frontier was long gone, and many plantations were encumbered with deep debts, exhausted soil and uncooperative 'free"' labour forces. --- Page 67 --- The decline of planter control in Haiti and Jamaica 47 from over 141 million In Haiti, annual sugar exports Revolution plummeted in 1789, to 18.5 million pounds on the eve of the French in 1801 (only 13 percent of pounds during the War of Independence in 1820 (less former levels), falling to a meagre 2.5 million pounds of levels) and by 1841 to practically than two percent pre-revolution exports, negligible amounts; almost all of the post-independence At the same valuable unrefined muscovado. moreover, were ofless fell from a high of almost 77 million time, annual coffee production matched white sugar exports in pounds in 1789 (when coffee exports of former levels). It value) to a low of24 million in 1822 (34 percent the ncxt two then stabilized around 35 to 40 million pounds over occurred indicating viable production." Some export growth decades, and in the west, tobacco and dyewoods after 1820 in cotton mahogany leveled off or fell by the in the east; however, most of these exports late 1820s.7 who visited Haiti in the James Franklin, a British businessman described how various methods second and third decades of the 1800s, failed since the abolition of of keeping the big estates cultivated had land, slavery." 8 First share cropping was tried on government-owned one-fourth of the crop. with the cultivators given one-third, and later 'to be and the next experiment was purchase This had to abandoned, in of the land, the canes from the cultivator, who was put possession house, etc. in his the Mill, Boiling Government, or Owner, retaining from the cultivator'. possession, and grinding the canes purchased the central factories This, too, failed, according to owners, because canes, and because the cultivators continually could not obtain enough offered. Finally, the little sugar being prodisputed the prices being with men offered $3 per week and duced had to be paid for by wages, British Consul General women and boys $1.50. As the unsympathetic had Mackenzie reported in 1828, the big sugar plantations Charles and labour could not be enforced: been broken up whole of these estates [on the plain of Aux Cayes] arc, The condition, from the small more or less, in a dismembered the of from five grants made by the government to military been and from similar sales having to thirty carreaus, The very little effected by many of the large proprictors.. by elderly field labour effected is generally performed of the principally old Guinea negroes. No measure pcople, induce the young creoles to labour, or depart government can licentiousness and vagrancy.. I am from their habitual want of of industry satisfied that, in general, a population, subdivision of land, and the in the existing population, grants made by the government to military been and from similar sales having to thirty carreaus, The very little effected by many of the large proprictors.. by elderly field labour effected is generally performed of the principally old Guinea negroes. No measure pcople, induce the young creoles to labour, or depart government can licentiousness and vagrancy.. I am from their habitual want of of industry satisfied that, in general, a population, subdivision of land, and the in the existing population, --- Page 68 --- 48 Democracy After Slavery the wishes of the government to produce counteract systematic labour." after indechange in agricultural production Thus. the most significant coffee production. *Just as the less pendence was a shift to small-scale of Saint Domingue had among the whites and the freedmen prosperous alternative in coffee', observes Michel-Rolph found an cconomic peasants and number ofthe post-revolutionary Trouillot, 'so a growing for similar reasons. It landowners had turned to that crop small its cultivation and processing required required little start-up capital, and it sold well on the export much less labor than did sugar canc, 1859, Haiti was the fourth largest market' (Trouillot 1990: 60). By Brazil, Java and Ceylon), and coffee producer in the world (after (Dupuy 1989: 95). Other coffee constituted 70 percent of its exports hides, tortoise, horns included cacao, indigo, molasses. small exports and wax. plantation economy, the state became Without a large-scale of trade. A good picture of the increasingly dependent on taxation of trade is provided by the highly-wrought government control schedule of Law of 1819-1821, which gives a detailed activLicensing for a wide variety of commercial license fees that were required (see Table 3). It also clearly depicts ities, divided into fine gradations trade networks. with several the pyramidical structure of regional Port-au-Prince.' 10 Article 31 hierarchies. all culminating in regional be shown on demand to police officers. jusrequired that all licenses and to members tices of the peace, administrative or treasury agents. of were Councils of Notables'. Three classes occupations of the licences: (1) farmers or cultivators: (2) public exempted from holding salaried of the nation: and, functionaries, army officers and employces workers. Fishermen who workers, domestics, and hired wage (3) day freight had to hold licenses. as did carters sold their fish or carried blacksmiths. builders. carpenwhether they used wagons or animals: craftsmen also were licensed to and other skilled ters, wheelwrights work. dearly for trading licenses, they could Foreigners paid particularly allowed to operate only out of seven not own property and they were of planters and the key designated open ports. Given the weakening the latter had increasing position of foreign merchants in the cconomy, the indemnification following influence over state policy. especially agreed to pay 150 million with France in 1825. President Boyer treaty former French colonists in compensation for francs, over five years, to which France promised to recognize their loss of property (after also to foreign trade, Haitian independence). Haitian ports were opened to operate only out of seven not own property and they were of planters and the key designated open ports. Given the weakening the latter had increasing position of foreign merchants in the cconomy, the indemnification following influence over state policy. especially agreed to pay 150 million with France in 1825. President Boyer treaty former French colonists in compensation for francs, over five years, to which France promised to recognize their loss of property (after also to foreign trade, Haitian independence). Haitian ports were opened --- Page 69 --- 00 4 2 3 3 0 6 4 4 2 2 15 00 2 10 5 - R 5O O C 6 4 4 N - ONNI LO 00 88 11 0 CO 6 6 CO --- Page 70 --- 50 Democracy After Slavery low tariffs. A 30 million-franc loan with France receiving preferential to the plan among the the first debt installment led to resistance the terms to pay after defaults on interest payments. Haitian elite. Eventually. madc in 1838 for Haiti to pay and an agreement were renegotiated. (still a heavy drain on a depleted 60 million francs over thirty years debt-repayment crisis of a Third economy).' 11 Marking the first major in both symbolic and real terms World' nation, Haiti paid a heavy price for its revolution. during the apprenticeship period In Jamaica, sugar production what it had been in the decade prior (1834-38) was only 77 percent of rapidly during the It then continued to decline, especially to abolition. abolition, until 'by the eve of the Morant first decade after slavery's stood at just 38% ofthe preBay Rebellion in 1865, the annual product less precipitous a decline abolition level' (Holt 1992: 119). Though decline than other British than Haiti's. Jamaica suffered a far worse production after emancolonies, some of which were increasing sugar prior to cmancipacipation. Coffee exports had already been and falling 1850, with only a slight tion, and fell by 76 percent between 1834 Green 1991: 223, 252). Barry rise after that date (Holt 1992: 122; the Jamaican House of data collected by Higman has summarized estates were abandoned between Assembly showing that '140 sugar acres and employing 1832 and 1847, with a total area of 168,032 plantations were aban22,553 slaves in 18321 some 465 [coffee] slave of 26.830, of 188,400 acres and a population doned, with an area in coffee in 1832' (Higman 1988: more than half the total employed 11-13). the other hand, there were increases in In parts of Jamaica, on for internal markets and propeasant crops, meaning food produced less capital). including duction of small export crops (requiring arrowroot. coconuts. bceswax logwood, pimento (for allspice), Abandonment ginger. and piecemeal sale of and honey (Sewell 1861: 249). and led to increases in small former plantations depressed land prices 1840, besides thousands of landholding among former slaves. In freeholds of less unregistered squatters. there were 2830 registered small freeholds and by than fifty acres; by 1845, there were 24.268 invention of an inexpensive 1861, there were 50,000 (Hall 1978). The machine in 1840, by onc-horse opcrated coffee-peeling and winnowing of the small coffee John Humble of St. Ann, encouraged the growth Small freeholds were sector (Hall 1978: Sewell 1861: 251).12 there growing remote areas. but in central parishes where concentrated not in both subsistence farming was a mixed economy that would support (Holt 1992; see Figure 2). and occasional wage-work on plantations , there were 50,000 (Hall 1978). The machine in 1840, by onc-horse opcrated coffee-peeling and winnowing of the small coffee John Humble of St. Ann, encouraged the growth Small freeholds were sector (Hall 1978: Sewell 1861: 251).12 there growing remote areas. but in central parishes where concentrated not in both subsistence farming was a mixed economy that would support (Holt 1992; see Figure 2). and occasional wage-work on plantations --- Page 71 --- a Manchester --- Page 72 --- 52 Democracy After Slavery driven back to the estates in large Only during droughts were peasants (Watts 1990: 478). Thus, even enough numbers to lower wage rates Haiti as one of the prime locaJamaica joined without a revolution, in the Caribbean. tions for peasant development political control The decline of planter plantations sets these decline of Haitian and Jamaican The economic societies where plantations from other post-slavery was cases apart peasant development remained dominant and independent Under these cconomic blocked (e.g. the U.S. South or Barbados). and the plantabetween the planter oligarchy conditions, the struggle measures Haitian and workforce is evident in the desperate tion took in trying to shore up their sinking plantations. Jamaican planters exercised over the state apparatus The degree of control each group dominance; power remained in economic was crucial to maintaining and mercantile elite with only marginal the hands of the landowning However, the power for the peasant population. gains in political crop-growers and merchant conflict of interests between agrarian in all societies. a would create fault-line post-slavery crop-exporters the two islands, of course. was Haiti's A key difference between removed the need to compete with a metindependent status, which control and put control of the military in ropolitan centre for political local hands. the republican In the early decades of Haitian state-consolidation. institutionalized by the conmilitary traditions ofthe revolution were armies ofthe Dessalines. The revolutionary stitution put into place by organized Antilles had been one of the most democratically French with Creole officers who were strongly militaries in the world, (Stinchcombe 1996: 213): the autonomous, antislavery and left-leaning the most extreme form slave armies of Saint Domingue were perhaps which had thrown commadeship-in.-ams This generation. civic ofegalitarian was infused with a strong sense of duty off European domination, the citizen as a soldier, leading it to symbolize and military patriotism, and the soldier as citizen. and military prowess, Popular figures of African independence and General Dessalines like the rebel slaves Makandal. Boukman in marking the transition from himself, served a significant function slaves (and even 13 The armies of revolutionary slavery to freedom. maroons) stood for African self-determinaolder bands of independent national autonomy. The first contion, black independence and Haitian of all men stitution of 1805 envisioned a fraternal brotherhood-in-arms European domination, the citizen as a soldier, leading it to symbolize and military patriotism, and the soldier as citizen. and military prowess, Popular figures of African independence and General Dessalines like the rebel slaves Makandal. Boukman in marking the transition from himself, served a significant function slaves (and even 13 The armies of revolutionary slavery to freedom. maroons) stood for African self-determinaolder bands of independent national autonomy. The first contion, black independence and Haitian of all men stitution of 1805 envisioned a fraternal brotherhood-in-arms --- Page 73 --- The decline of planter control in Haiti and Jamaica 53 aspect of the Haitian nationof African descent, and a fundamental of the of was the elevation of the black man out depths building project leader and of his own slavery into his rightful place as father, that protector No one is worthy people. Article Nine of the constitution declared son, a good of being a Haitian if he is not a good father, a good masculinist husband. and above all a good soldier".14 It was a deeply future which did not bode well for a democratic form of citizenship (Sheller 1997). many had obtained small Haitians had won their independence, at least, a conplots of land, and they had created what was nominally, of military stitutional republic, yet they lived under the dominion in With the death of Toussaint, the assassination of Dessalines chiefs. of other black military leaders, military 1806, and the neutralization into the state-making projects of symbolism was easily transposed of participation post-independence elites who drew on military genres Military national unity and a sense of common purpose. to generate served the necessary purpose of building republicanism, which initially soon became the raison a new state and new citizens from scratch, civil institutions to balance d'être for a state in which there were few military power. For many Haitian men, citizenship, an overwhelmingly took the form of military service. and with it political participation. of the main avenues of political parThe army, in a sense, became one As soon as the ticipation for men, as well as a route to land ownership. forces had been French landowners and British and Spanish occupying the land of the former driven out of the island, military leaders seized and began to sell it in relaPétion nationalized all land, plantations. 1980: 20-49; tively small parcels of ten carreaux (Bellegarde-Smith quickly dominated Linstant 1851, 1: 307-15). Landholding generals which formed in the north, both in the Kingdom of Haiti, government of Haiti in the south. and in the Republic freedom from colonial rule, however, If Haitian planters enjoyed and ineffective state, with few they were also burdened by a weak infrastructure. State control of the governmental institutions and little that it operated only through Haitian territory was SO weak and sparse and taxation. the most blunt of instruments: military conscription existence (i.e. these two basic tools, the state had no other Apart from services, no public investment, a very little bureaucracy, no public held together by the system). It was only tenuously localized judicial commands and had little de facto control loyalty of regional military island. an end to the civil war the Dominican side of the Despite over of the entire island in between the north and south, and consolidation branch of the execuremained the most significant 1822, the military Chamber of Deputies had little power. tive government, while the .e. these two basic tools, the state had no other Apart from services, no public investment, a very little bureaucracy, no public held together by the system). It was only tenuously localized judicial commands and had little de facto control loyalty of regional military island. an end to the civil war the Dominican side of the Despite over of the entire island in between the north and south, and consolidation branch of the execuremained the most significant 1822, the military Chamber of Deputies had little power. tive government, while the --- Page 74 --- 54 DemenesAferStavers Mackenzie described the situation in The British Consul Charles 1827: established professes to be The government that is now of the 27th according to the constitution purely republican, it may be said to be essenDecember 1806, but in practice island is divided into departtially military. The whole of the These are all under and communes. ments, arrondissements. only to the control of the command of military men, subject exclusively the executhe president; and to them is entrusted agriculture or tion of the laws, whether affecting police. civilian finance. There is not, as far as I can learn, a single authority. 15 charged with an extensive that the army lacked discipline and pay. Other accounts show. moreover, with regional followings. with command fragmented among generals communication There were very few roads to enable timely school of higher educabetween regions; there was only one national there was no national bank tion. and no elementary public schools: smuggling and bribery and weak control of the treasury. Forgery. had the political power to 16 Haiti's big landowners were common.' interest. but had at their command pass legislation in their own these unfair laws nor the capital neither the state capacity to enforce turned to the machinery of their investments. Instead, they to protect and levy indirect taxes on peasant crops. the state to control exports were to draw the above all coffee: 'successive Haitian governments taxes, most of which were majority of their revenues from indirect 1990: 61: and see Ardouin collected at the customhouses' (Trouillot 1860, Vol. 7). the other hand, were in theory limited in what Jamaican planters, on from London, but enjoyed a fairly they could do by colonial oversight The "Old Representative effective set ofi institutions and state capacity. hands: in fact, the powers of System' left a good deal of control in local narrowly Assembly were vast. those of the executive the (Jamaican) passed legislation, but also 'levied limited', for the Assembly not only public money. and their collection, appropriated taxes, supervised (Green 1991: 354). The Jamaican Assembly audited its own accounts' Haiti's during the apprenticeship period called for a rural ccde similar to passed a series of (Higman 1995: 11), and after emancipation quickly of former to constrain the movement and autonomy laws designed complaints were lodged in 1840, for example, slaves. Specific popular the Police Bill, the Act for the Recovery of against the Vagrant Act, of Fire Arms and the Tenements, the Pound Law, the Registration Bill. The Jamaican Assembly enjoyed far more legislative Fisheries The Jamaican Assembly audited its own accounts' Haiti's during the apprenticeship period called for a rural ccde similar to passed a series of (Higman 1995: 11), and after emancipation quickly of former to constrain the movement and autonomy laws designed complaints were lodged in 1840, for example, slaves. Specific popular the Police Bill, the Act for the Recovery of against the Vagrant Act, of Fire Arms and the Tenements, the Pound Law, the Registration Bill. The Jamaican Assembly enjoyed far more legislative Fisheries --- Page 75 --- The decline of planter control in Haiti and Jamaica 55 from the Home Government thari did Crown power and autonomy Guiana. In Jamaica, "[elven during that stormy Colonies like British to 1865 only twelve acts were disalpolitical and economic period up several hundred passed each ycar" lowed (vetoed) by the Crown, out of in when heavy taxes were (McLewin 1987: 68). The Crown did not step when tough crops, livestock and wagons; levied on small export mobility; when toll roads were built on vagrancy laws restricted personal duties were placed on the routes to peasant markets; when high import funds were used to pay necessities, but not on luxuries; or when public landowners (Hall which benefited only big for indentured immigration 1959; Green 1991; Holt 1992). of Jamaica's planter oliNevertheless, the unopposed extremism Governor and and its constant conflict with the Colonial garchy, Office, created fault-lines within state instituwishes ofthe Colonial The best evidence of could exploit. tions that opposition groups the 'mulatto ascendancy' in the declining planter political control was 1840s, when non-whites were Jamaica House of Assembly in the landowners and the Jewish increasingly voted into office. Non-white play off the mercantile bourgeoisie began to skillfully and "brown' the colonial government. They coalesced planter oligarchy against "Town (Heuman 1981; Holt voting block known as the Party' into a control of the three-man Executive 1992), and were able to gain functions in the House of Committee which carried out executive at the local level, Assembly on the Governor's behalf. Furthermore, qualified to vote, numbers of black men were becoming increasing vestries and serving on juries. The increasing being elected to parish class and the growing threat from subalfragmentation of the ruling necessary for popular empowerterns created precisely the conditions democratization. ment and possibly greater could limiting the franPlanters clung to power as long as they by and using overtaxing the peasantry chise with property requirements. labourers from India and public money to import indentured plantation In the end, they were Africa, but they were challenged at every Haitian step. counterparts in stoponly slightly more successful than their but far more successping former slaves from leaving the plantations, Not only were they the legislation they did pass. ful in enforcing autonomy, but their control was also fighting a battle against peasant both and local on metropolitan being compromised by dependence West Indian militias were necessary to armies. British naval forces and role of the brown population in quell popular *unrest'. The crucial been a key aspect of their defending against black uprisings had always the only citrights. Planters were no longer claim for equal citizenship decisions. The Sugar Duties Act of 1847, izens who mattered in policy ations, Not only were they the legislation they did pass. ful in enforcing autonomy, but their control was also fighting a battle against peasant both and local on metropolitan being compromised by dependence West Indian militias were necessary to armies. British naval forces and role of the brown population in quell popular *unrest'. The crucial been a key aspect of their defending against black uprisings had always the only citrights. Planters were no longer claim for equal citizenship decisions. The Sugar Duties Act of 1847, izens who mattered in policy --- Page 76 --- 56 Democracy After Slavery tô enter Britain on the same terms as which allowed foreign sugar confirmation that sugar planters British colonial sugar, was the final policy and that the powerful dictate imperial economic could no longer lost control in Parliament. Relinquishing West India lobby had finally House of Assembly to Crown Colony Jamaica's two-hundred.yeur-old Rebellion of 1865) was merely a rule (in response to the Morant Bay control and planter weakness. recognition of de facto metropolitan abolished democratic however, it also conveniently to More ominously. the time when it was becoming accessible representation just at Afro-Jamaicans. independent than Jamaica, yet still Haiti was far more militarily influence and direct military highly vulnerable to the indirect economic States and even Spain. The threats of France, Britain, the United former colony in plans to recapture their wayward French persisted wars onward. Records from the from the end of the Napoleonic des Colonies contain plans to archives oft the Ministère de la Marine et 1817. 1819 and 1822, in *Saint Domingue' by force in 1814. with reconquer attempts to negotiate French sovereignty addition to more explicit President Boyer in 1823.18 Although President Pétion in 1816 and with in 1838. it backed the Haitian independence France finally recognized in 1844, and was involved in breakaway of the Dominican Republic Samana. Haiti's initial decades for use of the port of secret negotiations thus tended toward what one observer of war-torn state-formation monarchy sustained by the bayonet' astutely described as 'republican militarization of a weak state under- (Brown [1837] 1972). Defensive and created a crucial differmined development of civil institutions. relations. between Haitian and Jamaican citizen-state ence civil control The decline of fplanter political power. the social organization, In contrast to their continuing of the planter oligarchies were solidarity, and international standing number of reasons. Although declining in both islands for a under the heading of class Stinchcombe subsumes this set of variables in the in fact, constitute a distinct set of changes solidarity", they, period. Planter class solimake-up of civil suciety in the post-slavery the institution of slavery; darity had in many ways been reinforced by culture began to disintewithout slaves, the distinctiveness of planter divisions within the ruling elite began to emerge. Although grate, and succeeded in ending slavery and achieving the Haitian Revolution of the revolution were not the mass of independence. the real winners elites (especially in the freed slaves, but the old mulatto landowning fact, constitute a distinct set of changes solidarity", they, period. Planter class solimake-up of civil suciety in the post-slavery the institution of slavery; darity had in many ways been reinforced by culture began to disintewithout slaves, the distinctiveness of planter divisions within the ruling elite began to emerge. Although grate, and succeeded in ending slavery and achieving the Haitian Revolution of the revolution were not the mass of independence. the real winners elites (especially in the freed slaves, but the old mulatto landowning --- Page 77 --- The decline of planter control in Haiti and Jamaica 57 in the north). This colour south) and the new black generals (especially of divide within the elite undermined class solidarity, a key component control. of most of the white population of Despite the death or expulsion of postduring the revolution and wars independence, Saint Domingue cultural of France, as well as those colonial Haiti built on the legacies in the cultural milieu of of Africa. The roots of Haitian civil society lay Revolution and indepenthe French revolution from which the Haitian French colonization dence arose. As Patrick Bellegardc-Smith argues, within French philobut development was to occur had been rejected, elite who contraditions', at least for the French-speaking sophical (Bellegarde-Smith 1980: 6). trolled the post-independence government in 'the intellectual Antebellum Saint Domingue had participated in of the and the growth of a spirit of bold speculation culture age, been a silent change in the moral France, had for a long time operating 1837: 132). Cap Français condition and aspect of the colonies' (Brown at Cap Haîtien and Cap Républicain, (later to become Cap-Henry, of the most important centres of philovarious times) had been one World, on footing with in the New equal sophical and scientific inquiry (McClellan 1993). 19 cities such as Boston and Philadelphia doctrines that now With the French Revolution, 'the popular in the French metropolis were zealously began to grow omnipotent corner of the earth that was inhabtaught and eagerly adopted in every Saint Domingue, French in revolutionary ited by a population'; and their influence was spread in a [cllubs were formed everywhere, in the colony' (Brown thousand ramifications through every parish Saint were The anciens libres of Domingue 1837: 132, 136-37). ferment, and took a large part in the closely involved in this cultural their own delegates to the Estates events of the revolution. They sent full French citizenship for free General, who successfully proposed the abolition of slavery in in March 1791, and proposed men ofcolour the complex events of the Haitian the colonies in 1794. Following elite was divided between two facRevolution, however, the Haitian 'mulâtres' who had gained tions. 20 The anciens libres, were mostly while the nouveaux libres were land and wealth before the revolution, the military ranks and bcen mostly "noirs' who had risen through As David Nicholls argues, rewarded with land after independence. visions of the nation and howit these two groups developed competing that came to be known in ideologies should be governed, encapsulated 1996). and 'noiriste' (Nicholls as 'mulâtriste' elites in both Pétion's In the carly decades of state-consolidation, themselves as the Republic and Christophe's Kingdom portrayed culture, and took on the inheritors of French intellectual and political before the revolution, the military ranks and bcen mostly "noirs' who had risen through As David Nicholls argues, rewarded with land after independence. visions of the nation and howit these two groups developed competing that came to be known in ideologies should be governed, encapsulated 1996). and 'noiriste' (Nicholls as 'mulâtriste' elites in both Pétion's In the carly decades of state-consolidation, themselves as the Republic and Christophe's Kingdom portrayed culture, and took on the inheritors of French intellectual and political --- Page 78 --- 58 Democ racy After Slavery and intellecresponsibility of proving the capacity for self-government in a "civilising achievement ofthe black race. They were engaged an to tual with eye process' of moral education and self-improvement. beacon of freedom and racial to the world, a themselves as an example constructed around the associational equality. Elite publics were first in the Masonic military hierarchies and membership ties of regional (articulated in government proceedings. Order. This official public newspapers) government proclamations and goxemment-supported drew on the idioms of milused a language of civic republicanism that It was also restricted to a itary fraternity and Masonic brotherhood. networks of overelite with complex small, educated, French-speaking but few ties to the mass of Haitian lapping ties among themselves, people. of the few institutions knitting together Freemasonry was one Haiti and the Haitian competing elite factions in post-independenee heavily from Masonic pracmodel of democratic citizenship borrowed for "in was a kind of precursor to democratization. tices. Freemasonry and constitution makers' the lodges men also became legislators leaders and ruled themselves (Jacob 1991: 4). They elected their the blueprint for) democthrough means which mimicked (or provided Haitian political culture Masonic practices permeated ratic governance. Victor Schoelcher wrote in 1843 that there of the nineteenth century. Haiti, and *one derisorily calls the senate were 23 masonic lodges in ofthe first rules of freemasonry is lodge, since one the twenty-fourth reunions' (Schoelcher 1843: 217-1). The never to talk polities in their that many government missionary Mark Bird also reported English members of the Order of Freemasons: "this institution personnel were that it has become a distinct feature in is SO widely extended in Hayti Bird believed that there were about Haytian society' (Bird 1869: 186). and numbers in due prothousand Freemasons in Port-au-Prince. one each of the second and third tier towns of the portion to population in country. Ardouin attributed the custom of the The historian Beaubrun between the President of the exchange of complimentary addresses (a post which he himselfhad Republic and the President ofthe Assembly [President] the of each session to Masonic experience. held) at opening of the Masonic Orderin Haiti, and the Boyer being the Grand-Protector almost always a freemason like him. one president ofthe Chamber being these fraternal relations which were acted thus in the aim of recalling between the two powers' (Ardouin proper for maintaining the harmony branches of govern1860, 9: 77n1). Thus, the executive and legislative and they tied by the fraternal bonds of masonry, repment were together of what happens within the masonic resented this bond by an 'imitation of the Masonic Orderin Haiti, and the Boyer being the Grand-Protector almost always a freemason like him. one president ofthe Chamber being these fraternal relations which were acted thus in the aim of recalling between the two powers' (Ardouin proper for maintaining the harmony branches of govern1860, 9: 77n1). Thus, the executive and legislative and they tied by the fraternal bonds of masonry, repment were together of what happens within the masonic resented this bond by an 'imitation --- Page 79 --- control in Haiti and Jamaica 59 The decline of planter 1860. 11: 5n1). Yet, Freemasonry was clearly an instilodges' (Ardouin from and conferred privitution that excluded most people participation, was a school of civic lege on an in-the-know minority. The lodge man, and it laid the sociability' and self-cultivation for the bourgeois However, in crefoundations for modern civil society (Habermas 1989). the literate and a new secular citizen, it also presumed that only ating 'could be entrusted to act ethically and to think disinterestedly educated and improvement' (Jacob in the interests of society, government, was mixed with an elitist 1991: 21). The Haitian sense of civic duty beliefin the natural ascendancy ofthe best and brightest. from 1806 to 1820 repIn sum, the north-south split of the country class and racial fault-line within the ruling groups, resented a regional, to unify the island (not to which destabilized subsequent attempts of racial and class formation on mention the entirely distinctive patterns Haiti's failure to subordinate the milthe Dominican side of the border). of foreign destabilization to civilian control given this context itary on democratization. - and civil war also had a strong negative impact to democratization If the relative strength of a state's military prior 1995b: 377), then "affects the kind of democracy that emerges' (Tilly Haitian democracy. army certainly constrained Haiti's revolutionary the period of state conNot only did the army remain in power during into competing solidation, but its regional divisions also crystallized ofthe state. Military and police repression factions that vied for control participais crucial to explaining how popular political of free speech this is not to say, however, that militarization tion was suppressed; of democratization movements. entirely precluded the emergence between the ruling miliAs we shall see in Part Two, the struggle by an elite and the liberal bourgeoisic was interrupted the tary-agrarian black middle classes, who claimed to represent intervening group of The liberal opposition's use of interests ofthe peasants and cultivators. through civil means democratic discourses opened up political space role in the which played a crucial such as independent newspapers, civil institution in the of black publics. Newspapers are a crucial origin the social networks of communication through sense that they construct Haitians maintained the French tradiwhich 'public opinion' is formed. and continued to publish many newstion ofj journalism and publishing proccedings and market news, papers, some devoted to government Table 4). As Nicholls devoted to literature and the arts (sce others and monthly reviews were observes, a 'number of weckly newspapers and the lifetime of many of published, but their circulation was small, read most of those Nevertheless, these journals were by them was short. affect the of the government, and they who were in a positions to policy influence' (Nicholls 1996: 71). were therefore not without political ion ofj journalism and publishing proccedings and market news, papers, some devoted to government Table 4). As Nicholls devoted to literature and the arts (sce others and monthly reviews were observes, a 'number of weckly newspapers and the lifetime of many of published, but their circulation was small, read most of those Nevertheless, these journals were by them was short. affect the of the government, and they who were in a positions to policy influence' (Nicholls 1996: 71). were therefore not without political --- Page 80 --- 60 Democracy After Slavery Table 4 Haitian Newspapers, 1804-1860 (Port-au-Prince unless otherwise noted; editors in parentheses where known) Founded Title La Gazette Politique et Commerçiale d'Haïti [paper of Dessalines] La Gazette Officielle de l'Etat d'Haiti (becomes Royal Gazette] La Sentinelle, Journal Official d'Hayti [becomes Bulletin Officiell Le Télégraphe L'Abeille Haïtienne (J. S. Milscent) L'Avertisseur Haïtien (F. Darfour) L'Eclaireur Haytien ou Le Parfait Patriote (F. Darfour) Au Temps à la Verité, Aux Cayes L'Observateur, Aux Cayes (Hérard Dumesle) lephemerall L'Hermit d'Haïti La Concorde L'Etoile Haïtienne, Santo Domingo (Caminero) L'Emile Haïtienne (Caminero) La Feuille du Commerce (J. Courtois) Le Phare (D. Inginac & C. Nathan) Le Républicain (C. Ardouin, A. Bouchereau, E. Nau) L'Union (T. Bouchereau, C. Ardouin & freres Nau) Ito 1839] Le Manifeste (D. Lespinasse, E. Heurtelou, T. Bouchereau) [to 1848] Le Patriote (T. Bouchereau, E. Heurtelou and E. Nau) Le Temps (B. and C. Ardouin) Compère Mathieu, [becomes Le Journal du Peuple] (M. Lespinasse) Le Democrate (only lasted a few months] La Sentinelle de la Liberté Ichanged to Le Progres, 1844], (E. Heurtelou) La Moniteur Haïtien, Journal officiel de la Republique (D. Lespinasse directeur 1845-48; T. Madiou directeur 1848-59) Despite the constitutional guarantee of freedom of the press, writers who criticized the government were put under heavy pressure, sometimes forced into exile and sometimes executed for treason. ieu, [becomes Le Journal du Peuple] (M. Lespinasse) Le Democrate (only lasted a few months] La Sentinelle de la Liberté Ichanged to Le Progres, 1844], (E. Heurtelou) La Moniteur Haïtien, Journal officiel de la Republique (D. Lespinasse directeur 1845-48; T. Madiou directeur 1848-59) Despite the constitutional guarantee of freedom of the press, writers who criticized the government were put under heavy pressure, sometimes forced into exile and sometimes executed for treason. --- Page 81 --- control in Haiti and Jamaica 61 The decline of planter newspapers played a crucial role in the In contrast, independent The regularization of postal services origin of Afro-Jamaican publics. colonial into the and official newspapers helped to integrate populations of the British Empire, and to cstablish English 'imagined community' in regions where many other languages were as the standard language 1991). Yet, as Franklin Knight argues, common currency (Anderson 'distinct Caribbean civic culture' emerged through increasing literacy a culture, aided by the expanding in competition with the metropolitan and a after the eighteenth century presence of the printing press books, and pamphlets, the growing literate readership for newspapers, type of literature' various territories produced a vigorous and perceptive Britain, editors (Knight 1990: 157-58). As in early nineteenth-century inform, but to influence newspapers wrote not only to of provincial a vital link between the writing public opinion. There was evidently declaration of oriented editorials and making a public of politically The shaping of public opinion and one's viewpoint in a petition. connected in the persons popular political behavior were thus intimately This was equally true in editors' (Bradley 1986: 91-2). of newspaper the added excitement of a local legislaJamaica, if not more SO, given made special efforts to come within ture. Moreover, some newspapers by lowering prices and of enfranchised small landholders the purview issues of interest to them (See Table 5).21 writing about unified than Haiti in the sense that there Jamaica was far more institutions, including an estabwas a greater array of functioning civil service and even the evilished church, a relatively efficient postal in 1844 and 1861. However, the dence of successful official censuses missionaries in the later years of growing presence of nonconformist also threatened the solidarity slavery and early years of emancipation in Chapter 6, missionaries of white planter society. As we shall freedmen see against the plantation often took the side of apprentices and fronts (cf. Turner 1982). and challenged their control on many the owners, of colour and Jews were granted franAt the same time, free men new elements into chise and other civil rights in 1830, introducing 1981). Here, too, we find Jamaican politics (Campbell 1976; Heuman between peasant and planter. in the struggle for control an intermediary threats, planter power was also being Beyond these local-level West India interest' in eroded at the imperial level. The once powerful following the Reform Act Parliament lost a great deal ofits influence commodity of the of 1830. Sugar was no longer the most important of the world meant Britain's into other parts empire, and expansion the most important region of the that the West Indies were no longer Jamaica, especially, was past empire (Blackburn 1988; D. Hall 1959). could not compete and in terms of investment opportunities its peak, Beyond these local-level West India interest' in eroded at the imperial level. The once powerful following the Reform Act Parliament lost a great deal ofits influence commodity of the of 1830. Sugar was no longer the most important of the world meant Britain's into other parts empire, and expansion the most important region of the that the West Indies were no longer Jamaica, especially, was past empire (Blackburn 1988; D. Hall 1959). could not compete and in terms of investment opportunities its peak, --- Page 82 --- 62 Democracy After Slavery Table 5 Jamaicar'Newspepens, 1823-1865 (editors in parentheses where known) Founded Title Public Advertiser Cornwall Chronicle & County Gazette 182x Courant (A. H. Beaumont) 1830s Colonial Reformer 1830s West Indian & Colonial Freeman 1829-33 Jamaica Watchman and Free Press (Edward Jordon and Robert Osborn) 1830s Cornwall Courier Daily Gleaner (& DeCordova Advertising Sheet) 1835-41 Falmouth Post (&t General Advertiser) (John Castello) 1838-44 Morning Journal (Edward Jordon and Robert Osborn) (1861-1875] Baptist Herald and Friend of Africa [later The Messenger) (F. Eberall) Jamaica Guardian and Patriot (George Rouse) 1840s Evangelist (George Rouse) 1840s County Union (Sidney Levien) 1850-53 Colonial Standard and Jamaica Despatch [1864-95] 1850s Daily Advertiser and Lawton's Commercial Gazette 1854-56 Family Newspaper (George Rouse) 1861-71 Jamaica Guardian (George Henderson [Robert Johnson) 1860s Standard, (G. Levy and H. Vendryes) 1860s Trelawney & Public Advertiser (William Clarke) 1860s Tribune (Isaac Lawton) 1864-65 Sentinel (George W. Gordon; Robert Johnson) Jamaica Watchman and People's Free Press (I. Vaz; Wm. Kelly Smith) with new and expanding territories like Trinidad and Guiana, Many planters, in fact, left Jamaica altogether, leaving attorneys (or agents) to run their plantations, thus contributing to the decline of control in planter Jamaica. In this sense, the ascendancy ofa new liberal bourgeoisie in Britain had a detrimental impact on colonial agrarian cal politipower. In sum, in both Haiti and Jamaica, sugar was declining in importance, planter class solidarity was under threat, and the overall power of planters both locally and internationally was weakening. Post- ; Wm. Kelly Smith) with new and expanding territories like Trinidad and Guiana, Many planters, in fact, left Jamaica altogether, leaving attorneys (or agents) to run their plantations, thus contributing to the decline of control in planter Jamaica. In this sense, the ascendancy ofa new liberal bourgeoisie in Britain had a detrimental impact on colonial agrarian cal politipower. In sum, in both Haiti and Jamaica, sugar was declining in importance, planter class solidarity was under threat, and the overall power of planters both locally and internationally was weakening. Post- --- Page 83 --- control in Haiti and Jamaica 63 The decline of planter were far less omnipotent than slave masters had emancipation planters boom, yet they still had a firm grasp on been at the peak of the sugar black freedoms Both continued to limit tightly the state. governments contrary to their after slave emancipation and to resist democratization. the rights of exself-legitimating claims of ensuring and protecting concerted attempts to expand black political power. slaves, and despite mulâtre, continued to rule in Small. wealthy elites, whether white Or democratic instiinterests, reputedly cherished their own disregarding suffrage and stifling complaints tutions, ignoring calls for broader increasand inequality. By the mid-nineteenth century, about injustice white were being used to justify paternalistic ingly racist ideologies oligarchic mulatto rule 'by rule in Jamaica (Holt 1992) and legitimize the best' in Haiti (Nicholls 1996). Notes ferment and peasant rebellions of Haiti Not only is there a parallel in the political but there is also a generational parallel in the early 1840s and Jamaica in the 1860s, first decades of freedom of the two cohorts who lived through the disappointing reclaimed real freedom in respect of (cf. Mannheim [1928] 1952). This generation history remembered in a collective their parents' - traumatic struggle out of slavery, social movements. similar terms and discursively reframed within contemporary frontiers' between Haiti and Jamaica reached their peaks of growth as 'sugar 2 Both Revolution began in 1791, when the colony 1750 and 1790. The Saint Domingue world; Jamaican sugar plantations were already was the biggest sugar producer in the in 1838, but it was still Britain's principal in decline by the time of emancipation see Eric Williams, Capitalism and sugar colony. On the economics of abolition, Press, 1944); Barbara Solowand Slavery (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Caribbean Slavery (Cambridge: Stanley Engerman, British Capitalism and Green, British Slave Emancipation Camrbrdge University Press, 1987); William Stinchcombe, The Political Economy (Oxford: Clarendon [1976] 1991): and Arthur University Press, 1996). ofthe Caribbean, 1775-1900 (Princeton: Princeton and Community in the Post3 Surface areas are from Jean Besson. Land, View Kinship of the Leewards', , in Small Islands, Emancipation Caribbean: A Regional in the Post-Enancipation Society, Culture and Resistance Large Questions: (London: Frank Cass, 1995), p. 94. Caribbean, ed. Karen F. Olwig timing and of cconomic frontier' refers to the regionalization 4 The idea of a 'sugar nineteenth century, the costs of plantations always investment in plantations. In the SO new sugar regions (*fronrose with age, while sugar prices were always locations, falling, to keep ahead of the cost/price tiers') were always being opened at new Political Economy oft the Caribbean). nineteenth curve (Stinchcombe, in technology in the of changes sugar-making 5 For a good description The Sugarmill: The Socioeconomic Complex of century, see M. Moreno Fraginals, York and London: Monthly Review, 1976). Sugar in Cuba, 1760-1860 (New The Caribbean: The Genesis of a Fragmented 6 Figures are from Franklin Knight, Oxford University Press, 1990). 370; MichelNationalism, 2d ed. (New York: Coffee Slaves in the Antilles: The Impact of Rolph Trouillot, 'Coffee Planters and Labor and the Shaping of Slave Crop', in Cultivation and Culture: a Secondary ed. Ira Berlin and Philip D. Morgan (Charlottesville: Life in the Americas, , York and London: Monthly Review, 1976). Sugar in Cuba, 1760-1860 (New The Caribbean: The Genesis of a Fragmented 6 Figures are from Franklin Knight, Oxford University Press, 1990). 370; MichelNationalism, 2d ed. (New York: Coffee Slaves in the Antilles: The Impact of Rolph Trouillot, 'Coffee Planters and Labor and the Shaping of Slave Crop', in Cultivation and Culture: a Secondary ed. Ira Berlin and Philip D. Morgan (Charlottesville: Life in the Americas, --- Page 84 --- 64 Democracy After Slavery statisties, see AN CC9a. 54. 1993), 124;'and for original Consul University of Virginia, Oflice Relative to Hayti, No. 18, Communications Received at The Foreign 31 Mar. 1828, General Table of Charles Mackenzic to the Earl of Dudley. General 1789, 1801, 1818-26. Exports from Hayti, Beaubrun Ardouin, Etdes sur I'Histoire 7 On Haiti's exports in this period, Madeleien see et Ce. 1860), Vol. 9,53-4: Alexandre d'Haîti, 11 vols. (Paris: Dezobry, E. Dentu, 1862). p. 38;and David Bonneau, Haîti: ses progres. son avenir (Paris: Colour and National Independence Nicholls, From Dessalines to Duvalier: Race, 1996), p. 69. Also relevant are in Haiti, 3d ed. (London: Macmillan Caribbean, 1985. 1989: Lacerte 1981; and Moya Pons Memorandum of Dupuy 14 Oct. 1826, enclosing Wilmot Horton to Mr. Canning, 8 FO35/1, from James Franklin. Office Information Received at the Foreign Document 2, Communications 1828. 9 AN CC9a.54, Mackenzic to Earl of Dudley, 31 Mar. Relative to Hayti, no. 18, Charles 1821, in Baron S. Linstant. Récueil Patentes, 26 Feb. 1819, 30 Nov. 1860), 10 Loi sur les d'Haiti (Paris: Auguste Durand. général des Lois etActes du Gouvernement account of the employment of Vol. 3. 120-40. Sidney Mintz gives a fascinating 1950s. reflecting the same hierarminimal capital by Haitian market women in the revendeuses and dealers in mischies of wholesale (à grô) versus retail (à détay), is in any case stock. As he points out, 'the market for peasant products The cellaneous and eminently taxable" (Mintz. feeble, dispersed, often undependable Women in Haiti'. in Capital. Savings and Employment of Capital by Market and B. Yamey (Chicago: Aldine, 1964], Credit in Peasant Societies, eds. R. Firth Sheller, Sword-Bearing role in marketing, see also 284). On Haitian women's Haiti' in Plantation Militarism and Manhood in Nineteenth-Century Citizens: Americas, Vol. 4, nos. 2 &3 (Fall 1997): 233-78). of Society in the like Félix Darfour. an African-born member 11 Many Haitians opposed the treaty, sold the country to the whites'. for the Assembly, who accused Boyer of "having 1860, 9: 186-90: see and executed for treason (Ardouin which he was arrested efforts to divide debt payments further discussion in Chapter 5). On government Mackenzie to Mr. Canning. 28 May 1826. among communes, see FO35/3, Charles 1 cannot describe their rude freedmen used a rustic hand-operated press: it a 12 Some William G. Sewell, than by calling huge wooden implement better', wrote Labor in the British West Indies [1861: lemon-squeezer' (Tle Ordeal of Free reprint, London: Frank Cass. Ardouin which he was arrested efforts to divide debt payments further discussion in Chapter 5). On government Mackenzie to Mr. Canning. 28 May 1826. among communes, see FO35/3, Charles 1 cannot describe their rude freedmen used a rustic hand-operated press: it a 12 Some William G. Sewell, than by calling huge wooden implement better', wrote Labor in the British West Indies [1861: lemon-squeezer' (Tle Ordeal of Free reprint, London: Frank Cass. 1968], p. 251). venerated in Haiti in the figure of In culture, the warrior has long been of popular from ancient Dahomean gods Ogou Feray, Iwa of fire and war, descended is 'served" as an ancestral Iwa Dessalines, as father of the nation. today warfare. warrior essence of the revolutionary slave freedomwho embodies the indomitable Citizens': L. Hurbon. Voodoo: Trutli and fighter. Sce Sheller, 'Sword Bearing 1995); and K. Brown, Mama Lola: A Fantasy (London: Thames and Hudson. of California Press, 1997). Vodou Priestess in Brooklyn (Berkeley: University an 11, Art. 9, in Linstant, Réceuil Impériale d'Haîti, 20 mai 1805. 14 Constitution des Lois, 1851, Vol. 1, p. 49). to général Received at The Foreign Office Relative Hayti, 15 AN CC9a.54, Communications 9 Sept. 1827. no.3, Mackenzie to Lord Canning, 1826, on illicit trade. for FO 35/3, Mackenzie to Canning. May 16 Sce, example, resolutions of a public meeting held at the Baptist 17 This list is taken from the in the Baptist Herald and Friend of Chapel in Falmouth. 21 Feb. 1840, reported 6 on public meetings. Africa. Vol. 1, no. 17, 26 Feb. 1840, p. 3. See Chapter and AN CC9a.50-52. Various documents on these efforts appear in AN CC9a.47 --- Page 85 --- The decline of planter control in Haiti and Jamaica 65 19 This important French colonial city was planned on a grid pattern with four houses per block (each of two stories, with metal balconies and a cool inner court- stone yard), as well as public squares with fountains prior to its total decimation earthquake in 1842 (WMMS, Special Series, Biographical, West Indies, Box 588, by Autobiography of James Hartwell, p. 55). 20 The revolution itself will not be discussed here, but see the classic C. L. R. James, The Black Jacobins (New York: Vintage interpretations by [1938] 1989), and Genovese, From Rebellion to Revolution: Afro-American Slave Revolts in the Eugene ofthe New World (New York: Vintage, 1979). For more recent Making Bryan, The Haitian Revolution and its Effects analyses, see Patrick (Kingston and Exeter: Heinemann, 1984); Aimé Césaire, Toussaint L'Ouverture: La Révolution Française et le Probleme Coloniale (Paris: Presence Africaine, 1981); Alex Dupuy, Haiti in the World Economy: class, race and underdevelopment since 1700 (Boulder: Westview 1989); and Carolyn E. Fick, The Making ofHaiti: The Saint Domingue Revolution Press, from Below(Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1990). 21 For an interesting discussion of freedom of the press in Jamaica, see The Jamaica Watchman, Vol. 4,no. 43,30 May 1832, which protested the down on press freedoms following the slave uprising of 1831. government clampConclusion to part one Along with the decline of planter control, the other side of the coin of freedom was the increasing degree of peasant agency after emancipation. Did the decline in planter dominance mean more freedom for Haitian and Jamaican freed slaves than for those freedmen who found themselves in more planter-dominated societies? 21 For an interesting discussion of freedom of the press in Jamaica, see The Jamaica Watchman, Vol. 4,no. 43,30 May 1832, which protested the down on press freedoms following the slave uprising of 1831. government clampConclusion to part one Along with the decline of planter control, the other side of the coin of freedom was the increasing degree of peasant agency after emancipation. Did the decline in planter dominance mean more freedom for Haitian and Jamaican freed slaves than for those freedmen who found themselves in more planter-dominated societies? Yes, in SO far as former slaves took the opportunity of emancipation to move off the plantations, own their own land, gain control over their own labour, practise their own religious and cultural traditions, educate their children and participate in political decision-making. No, in SO far as they still faced limitations on their rights and met encumbrances to full citizenship. In terms of the exercise of specific freedoms, the postemancipation Caribbean partly continued the trends found by Stinchcombe in the pre-emancipation setting. 'Colored' people enjoyed more freedoms than 'black' people, Creoles enjoyed more freedoms than African-born people, urban inhabitants enjoyed more freedoms --- Page 86 --- 66 DemocrucyAfiers Slavery workers enjoyed more freedoms than rural inhabitants and specialized than unskilled labourers. however,. have seldom These clear cconomic and social patterns, and of political participation been explored in relation to the patterns with them. I argue that peasant political culturc that emerged cconomic. peasant period had three components: agency in the post-slavery began with control of everyday political and civil. Peasant agency decisions about personal economic choices and decision-making: allocation of family labour and. mobility, household integrity, land use, labour, procedures for wage negofor those who also engaged in wage Second, peasant agency contiation, collective bargaining and striking. in government. demands for political rights and participation courts. cerned influence in shaping legislation, just including enfranchisement. and redress of grievances. fair taxation and channels for expression demands for civil rights. above all the Third, peasant agency concerned publication and religion. key freedoms of association, speech, conceptualization of slave agency Although Stinchcombe's and choice, he greatly of personal freedom personal includes aspects collective civil liberties and public decisionunderplays questions of individual rights. grounded in economic making. By concentrating on overlooks the associational and civil and political institutions, his model societies, these pertaining to civil society. In post-emancipation freedom rights in relation to education. religious autonomy. were key concerns of speech and publication. Although there of association and freedoms for such freedoms, they also was an element of liberal bourgeois support former slaves. had a certain degree of popular support among in or challenges to Some of the most prominent actors protest landholdauthorities in both Haiti and Jamaica were the medium-sized met of the peasant class. yet paid taxes. propertyers who were part in local government and became qualifications to vote, participated known as involved in small civil litigation. These middle-peasants, habitants in Haiti, were "inhabitants' or 'small settlers' in Jamaica and described them- 'bones and sinew of the country" (as one group the held positions of leadership in their commuselves in a petition). Thcy less wealthy kin and neighbours, and nities, extended credit to their relations that could, of course, provided employment (in hierarchical that became most involved in polibe exploitative). It was this group including extension of the frantics and demanded democratization. abolition of fees for registering to vote, chise, fairer taxation and court cases. In its most radical petitioning the government or identified settling with the small peasants and guise, members of this class association. direct labourers and called for new forms of cooperative land distribution and full racial equality. popular sovereignty, ). Thcy less wealthy kin and neighbours, and nities, extended credit to their relations that could, of course, provided employment (in hierarchical that became most involved in polibe exploitative). It was this group including extension of the frantics and demanded democratization. abolition of fees for registering to vote, chise, fairer taxation and court cases. In its most radical petitioning the government or identified settling with the small peasants and guise, members of this class association. direct labourers and called for new forms of cooperative land distribution and full racial equality. popular sovereignty, --- Page 87 --- The decline of planter control in Haiti and Jamaica 67 has argued in the case of the United States in 1865, As Harding the tools of democracy to dismantle freed slaves were able to scize planter power: The men and women who had been legally enslaved just months carlier were now meeting in public not only to discuss the political affairs of the state and the nation, which immediately claimed as their own, but to challenge the they legitimacy of their former owners, overseers, and political debating and voting, oppressors. They were nominating, democrareclaiming all the democratic mechanisms for truly tic purposes (Harding 1981: 293). would freed slaves *use the So. too, in Jamaica, if to a lesser extent, Afro-Jamaicans had master's tools to dismantle the master's house'. because they had latitude for such action than did Haitians not more from British tutors, but because the 'learned' more about democracy encounters British state was somewhat more constrained by previous Civil of contention. to utilize a civil response to democratic repertoires hands (though not control of the British armed forces tied government to the free reign of entirely, as we shall see in Part Threc), in contrast generals armed forces and the elite cadre of land-owning the Haitian who controlled them. weakened and a Both Haiti and Jamaica had a plantocracy selfautonomous peasant culture that stressed majority strongly sovereignty and broad and equal citizenship determination, popular in both countries demanded the franfor all. Peasants and workers access to just courts and, in taxation, equal chise. more progressive When fissures appeared within the some cases, land distribution. and within the mulâtre and noir white and brown elites of Jamaica to reclaim their elites of Haiti, black majorities seized the opportunity social constitutional rights in two of the most significant of post-slavery this book is these movements in the Americas. The central concern As comparamovements and the rulers they were up against. popular Latin American coffee republics has shown, one tive research on smallholder regimes as the must 'avoid the temptation of treating the that characrural in contrast to oligarchy basis for a "democracy" Gudmundson, and Kutschback terized planter regimes' (Roseberry, farming was embed1995: 20). Small-scale, commercially-oriented merchants and foreign social fields' involving ded in "hicrarchical the basis for democratization. markets, and was not necessarily of post-slavery peasantries Nevertheless, the emancipatory ideologies for a radical democratic in the Caribbean offered the potential ideology. --- Page 88 --- 68 Democracy After Slavery The rest of this book wili explore the emergence of peasant agency in Haiti (Part Two) and Jamaica (Part Three). including its economic. political and civil elements. I hope to demonstrate that black publics significantly recast collective narratives of enslavement and emancipation, criticized the continuing existence of racial inequality and slavery throughout the world, critically engaged democratic ideologies and envisioned a democratic diaspora of African-Caribean, African-American and African freedom and citizenship. Their vision of the future has never been achieved and continues to haunt us. All of the countries that took part in the Atlantic system of slavery, from sea to shining sea, are still engaged in the struggle for racial equality, political freedom and justice. Slaves and their descendants have bequeathed to us an agenda for social change that will continue to shape democratic politics in the twenty-first century. emancipation, criticized the continuing existence of racial inequality and slavery throughout the world, critically engaged democratic ideologies and envisioned a democratic diaspora of African-Caribean, African-American and African freedom and citizenship. Their vision of the future has never been achieved and continues to haunt us. All of the countries that took part in the Atlantic system of slavery, from sea to shining sea, are still engaged in the struggle for racial equality, political freedom and justice. Slaves and their descendants have bequeathed to us an agenda for social change that will continue to shape democratic politics in the twenty-first century. --- Page 89 --- Part two Haiti: "Constitutions are Paper, Bayonets are Iron' Constitusyon sé papié, bayonet sé, fer Haitian proverb --- Page 90 --- --- Page 91 --- What kind of free this? Haiti, placed in the Gulf of Mexico which command, is the object of attention she is destined to African family. One day she will head of the entire great the isles of the American a confederation of all America, from Haiti, that archipelago. It is from southern enlighten Africa will the intellectual ray that shall hit against originate. The great blow that she has slavery has resounded Universe; the immense through the entire order of civilization, space which she has opened upin the nation, evidently in making herself an independent realization of her proves her tendency toward the future (Le necessary 8 Aug. 1841). Manifeste, Vol. 1, no. 19, The revolutionary founding of the Republic of Haiti long-running debate throughout the Atlantic in 1803 initiated a the existence of a 'black republic' world over how to react to Haiti's at the core of the of independence set the terms of debate for system slavery. anti-slavery struggle and shaped nearly a century of Caribbean for decades to come. international relations in the uprising, Europeans articulated Gripped by fear of contagious slave ity' in their claims to 'whiteness' and contradistinction to Haitian 'barbarism' 'civilthat can be collectively referred to through a set of stories time, however, Afro-Caribbean as the 'Haytian Fear'. At the same Haiti's political activists used the independence to promote black story of conscious movements for social equality and foster colourworked change. Although diplomatically to isolate Haiti, European powers theless, flourished along ideological influences, neverNetworks of subversive irrepressible tendrils of regional trade. trade worked counter people, radical newspapers and oriented to the flows of a global contraband around the Atlantic slave trade. economic system In their attempts to build transnational ai radical 'Black Atlantic' (as both alliances, the rudiments of post-colonial self-reflexive intellectual recentring of political identities project and in place by the mid-nineteenth [Gilroy 1993]) were well century. Thus, instead of treating Haiti --- Page 92 --- 72 Democracy After Slavery and Jamaica as entirely separate 'cases' in an will treat them as linked bundles of relations. imaginary As experiment. I tute distinct entities with very different much as they constihistorical were also always exchanges of people and trajectories, there as well as closely related systems of information between them, were each located and related symbolic mapping in which they one to the other. covered, some Jamaicans were AsTunexpectedly disRevolution of 1843, while closely involved in Haiti's Liberal Jamaica's Morant some Haitians were closely linked to Bay Rebellion of 1865. Both to the international islands also had links North America, Central anti-slavery movement and to black intellectuals in America and Europe. attuned to the undercurrent of Thus. we must remain ofa shared counter-discourse relationships that enabled the formation of African identification and solidarity. Caribbean In his analysis of the white 'terrified Anthony Maingot (1996) uses the consciousness' of Haiti, to criticize violent example of the Haitian Revolution decolonization and praise the ing' route to black empowerment taken in the gradual accomodatsuggests that the white minority in the British West Indies. had links North America, Central anti-slavery movement and to black intellectuals in America and Europe. attuned to the undercurrent of Thus. we must remain ofa shared counter-discourse relationships that enabled the formation of African identification and solidarity. Caribbean In his analysis of the white 'terrified Anthony Maingot (1996) uses the consciousness' of Haiti, to criticize violent example of the Haitian Revolution decolonization and praise the ing' route to black empowerment taken in the gradual accomodatsuggests that the white minority in the British West Indies. He suffered from the same terror of Haiti non-Hispanic Caribbean has not evidençed (particularly in the Hispanic Caribbean) among other whites establishment of 'national because of the successful decolonization norms' through the "long process' in the British West Indies [non-violent] Arguing that 'violence is not the only (Maingot 1996: 74). 'liberal path to liberation' and pluralism' , he concludes that in praising to liberation', the leaders of the choosing a 'conservative path development of a normative context non-Hispanic Caribbean assured the (Maingot 1996: 76). all groups could participate in' This kind of argument attributes gration, to liberal values and democracy solely to colonial inteBritish cultural inheritance. It political institutions and implicitly to a lay European projections of Haiti ignores the political strategies that underit fails to recognize Haiti's as a monstrous and savage place, and slavery, positive impact on pan-Caribbean anti-colonial and democratic movements. antilong history of ties between Haitians By overlooking the cannot see the crucial contribution and Afro-Jamaicans, Maingot building of popular democratic made by Haitian independence to the no thanks to the white (and ideologies within the British colonies, well into the twentieth 'brown") elite who resisted democratization tactics behind the century. to a lay European projections of Haiti ignores the political strategies that underit fails to recognize Haiti's as a monstrous and savage place, and slavery, positive impact on pan-Caribbean anti-colonial and democratic movements. antilong history of ties between Haitians By overlooking the cannot see the crucial contribution and Afro-Jamaicans, Maingot building of popular democratic made by Haitian independence to the no thanks to the white (and ideologies within the British colonies, well into the twentieth 'brown") elite who resisted democratization tactics behind the century. This chapter aims to uncover the racial 'Haytian Fear' and to political and civil ties between Haiti and demonstrate the longstanding Jamaica. Largue that international reactions to Haiti cized 'racial formations', fed into highly politiincluding competing public discourses of --- Page 93 --- "What kind of free this?' 73 racism among some whites and of racial unity among some extreme In addition to depicting the racist underpinnings of pcople of colour.? this French and British diplomatic reaction to Haiti's independence, in the also focuses on reactions (both negative and positive) chapter British colony of Jamaica where whites were a small minority. ncarby the symbolic role of Haiti in Jamaican political discourse By analyzing ties between Haitian and Jamaican political activists), (as well as actual of 'racial projects' in we can better understand the complex interplay simultaneously an interthe aftermath of slavery. A 'racial project' is and an representation or explanation of racial dynamics, pretation, and redistribute resources along particular racial effort to reorganize 1994: 56). The narrative of the 'Haytian Fear' lines' (Omi and Winant actual these purposes in two ways: (1) influencing served precisely ties between the Great Powers and Haiti, social, political and economic mappings and within the Caribbean region; and, (2) shaping symbolic contenders for of Haiti in the competing racial discourses of multiple public opinion. reaction to Haitian independence Diplomatic radical break with the French colonial system was a unique Haiti's and colonial rule; it rejection of the power of whites, sugar planters of the Atlantic slavefundamentally challenged the entire basis 4 Haiti was the first American economy and the European state-system. workers and local self-rule republic to favour the power of blacks, mulattoes) retained a even ifi in practice anciens libres (usually wealthy 1996; Trouillot 1990). The good deal of land and power (Stinchcombe banned whites from property Haitian Constitution of 1805 specifically Haitians will be known under none ownership, and declared that *the Thus, Haiti denomination of blacks (noirs)" other than the generic of revolution... [and] a racial became *a symbol that meant export black rulers, black generals symbol of powerful and rich blacks, Haiti represented not only winning wars' (Stinchcombe 1994: 11). of 'free labour'), but also black economic autonomy (in the sense existed anywhere in the black political and civil control than greater Atlantic world. reactions to Haiti were accordingly French and British diplomatic it in a letter to French minister bluntly put hostile. As one foreign the existence of a Negro people in United States President Monroe, the most criminal of acts, is a country it has soiled by arms, occupying for all white nations. There are no reasons...to a horrible spectacle who have declared themselves the grant support to these brigands of 'free labour'), but also black economic autonomy (in the sense existed anywhere in the black political and civil control than greater Atlantic world. reactions to Haiti were accordingly French and British diplomatic it in a letter to French minister bluntly put hostile. As one foreign the existence of a Negro people in United States President Monroe, the most criminal of acts, is a country it has soiled by arms, occupying for all white nations. There are no reasons...to a horrible spectacle who have declared themselves the grant support to these brigands --- Page 94 --- 74 Democracy Afier Slavery enemies of all government' (Fàrmer 1994: 75; Lawless 1992: Although Haiti was no longer a French colonial domain 48). French government continued to class it as a colony for after 1804, the purposes until at least 1825. Even after official administrative switched over to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the correspondence Colonies still remained responsible for Minister for the tlement of claims by the 'anciens colons' correspondence of Saint concerning setaggrieved heirs. French Domingue and their Proposals for military continued to be floated up until the 1840s, reconquest of Haiti strong pressure on the French giving an impression of the sistent anti-Haitian government by an organized and perof exile communities." lobbying 7 group based on an international network With the end of the Napoleonic wars and restoration of the monarchy, France undertook secret negotiations for the French renegade colony. Even after making what return of its able concessions to Haitian pride, the French they thought were considerAs President Alexandre Pétion told them: overtures were rejected.* [Haiti's] sovereignty.. The 'I will never compromise pendent, I want it with them'. People of Haiti want to be free and indeisland in 1822, but President Jean Pierre Boyer unified the signed the controversial 1825. With the ink drying on these diplomatic indemnification treaty in ernment finally felt comfortable niceties, the British govHaiti, seen by the British establishing official relations with emancipation which should government as a crucial experiment in slave cf. Lawless 1992: 44-5). In be carefully studied' (Nicholls 1996: 62; of color', 1826, they sent Charles to report on conditions in Haiti. 10 Mackenzie, a 'man appropriate colour, Mackenzie Despite his politically stability and described the judged Haiti a danger to British colonial Notes on Haiti (1830) Haitian people as young Barbarians'. 11 His pation that the British were thought SO harmful to the cause of emancifree Abolition Society sent Richard man of colour, to report on Haiti to Hill. a Jamaican impact (Lawless 1992: 52). Thus counter Mackenzie's negative hearts and minds of the began a war of publicity to win the European public. By 1837, with defaults on interest francs still payments and 120 outstanding on the Haitian debt, the million was renegotiated. The Franco-Haitian treaty frigate in the Port-au-Prince envoys were implicitly backed by an armed ships.' 12 French attitudes harbour. as well as by other nearby toward their wayward warracist and patronizing former colony remained throughout the envoys stated that 'itis a case of negotiations. Instructions to the white over the half-savage showing the superiority of the civilized children, negro; one must consider the Haitians pardon them their stupid blunders, and as big kind, indulgent face'. 13 A formal always show them a report argued that 'civilization cannot ys were implicitly backed by an armed ships.' 12 French attitudes harbour. as well as by other nearby toward their wayward warracist and patronizing former colony remained throughout the envoys stated that 'itis a case of negotiations. Instructions to the white over the half-savage showing the superiority of the civilized children, negro; one must consider the Haitians pardon them their stupid blunders, and as big kind, indulgent face'. 13 A formal always show them a report argued that 'civilization cannot --- Page 95 --- 'What kind offree this?" 75 the Mulattoes. A Government of blacks operate in Haiti except through state. All the succeeding would retrograde the country toward a savage have black chiefs there during a period of more than twenty-five years will be been monsters of cruelty. The same tradition of Government reestablished, as soon as a black comes to power". 14 nothing French Consul General Charles Levasseur lamented *it is domination which will reestablish order and work [in except foreign Haitian Society on durable solid foundations.. But Haiti], reconstitute white domination come to bring Civil Society [la when and how will Racist princivie Sociale] to this coarse. lazy and ignorant people?is fueled a fear that black power ples of white rule and African inferiority other of the Caribbean in Haiti would somehow spill over into parts domination based and destroy the carefully balanced system of white rebellions across the African Indeed a spate of slave on slavery. connected, however sketchily, to the direct or Greater Caribbean was from the 1790s through the first quarter of indirect influence of Haiti Haiti intertwined with the nineteenth century. 16 The project ofi isolating maintaining control over the Caribbean. the of revoBritain and its colonies may have avoided upheavals idelution, but still had to live with the consequences of revolutionary in Haiti. In and the threatening example of black independence ologies Jamaican free men of colour began the wake of the French Revolution, campaign in demand rights, launching a major petitioning to expanded of the Anti-Slavery Society in 1823 in concert with the formation fearful of a revolution like Britain (Heuman 1981). The plantocracy', white racial domination that Haiti's, rallied behind the system of and was slavery. The 1823 campaign met strong opposition upheld when a debate broke out over the explicitly linked to Haitian politics in Jamaica, revealing the political activities of Haitian immigrants the Fear' in Jamaican politics. playing out of 'Haytian whose families had been Lewis Lecesne and John Escoffery, activists in the from The Haitian Revolution, were leading refugees in Jamaica. In 1824, whose families movement for free coloured rights Revolution, they were charged with had been refugees from the Haitian made unsubstantiated allegafomenting a Haitian plot'. A magistrate with the Government of tions 'that there was a correspondence kept since up the Revolution in 1792; St. Domingo, not only of late, but ever of the Government of St. and that there were accredited agents accused them of stirring a rebellion Domingo in Jamaica'.. A newspaper Brigands of St. Domingo'. of Boyer, the Chief ofthe and being Agents committee charged that an improper connexion Finally, a government through the medium of certain between Haiti and Jamaica was kept up exiled."7 aliens', , and they were promptly magistrate with the Government of tions 'that there was a correspondence kept since up the Revolution in 1792; St. Domingo, not only of late, but ever of the Government of St. and that there were accredited agents accused them of stirring a rebellion Domingo in Jamaica'.. A newspaper Brigands of St. Domingo'. of Boyer, the Chief ofthe and being Agents committee charged that an improper connexion Finally, a government through the medium of certain between Haiti and Jamaica was kept up exiled."7 aliens', , and they were promptly --- Page 96 --- 76 Democracy After Slavery denied any knowledge of the two men, The Haitian government the who made their way to England where they were supported by Anti-Slavery Society in petitioning the House of Commons to overturn them (Heuman 1981: 48). 18 The event lingered in the ruling against national character and a sign of Haitian memory as an insult to their white prejudice against them. President Boyer proclaimed: It is evident that the outrage made against the Haitian character is a deplorable effect of the absurd prejudice resulting from the difference of colours.. We find it in the proscription exercised today more than ever in certain countries. against men with the tint of Haitians; we find it in the ostensible recognition that some powers have made. while ignorofthe States recently established in ing our rights, republican in central America (Ardouin 1860, 9: 238-39 [emphasis original). Boyer here correctly linked the personal prejudice against Haitians and people of African descent to the international refusal to recognize Haitian independence. The recognition ofthe new Central and South American republics by Britain and the United States in 1823 was especially galling to the Haitians because Pétion had sheltered Simôn Bolivar, providing him with 4,000 guns, 15,000 pounds of powder. a quantity of lead. some provisions. and a printing press' (Logan 1941: 222). To add salt to the wounds, the new Spanish-American republics. at the bequest of the United States, declined to recognize Haiti or to invite its representatives to the Pan-American Conference of 1825 (Stinchcombe 1995: 235-38). Amid heated debates over slave emancipation. the shunned Republic of Haiti remained an uninvited guest at diplomatic tables. even though the Great Powers greedily competed to gain the island's forcibly opened trade and coveted resources. As Stinchcombe suggests, Haiti became a contested object in the foreign policy ofthe nineteenth-century diplomatic world. functioning as a symbol (of slave revolt) in the domestic politics of the imperial countries' (Stinchcombe 1995: 236 [italics in original)). It was 'the first of a number of third world revolutionary societies to become important objects in the politics of the hegemonic or core powers, especially those of the United States, and suffer the consequences of diplomatic isolation and systematic attempts at subversion by those core powers' (ibid: 239). Yet, at the same time, it also became a positive and hopeful symbol of revolutionary social change for those who identified with its racial project. Without recognition as a legitimate state, Haiti had to build international ties through informal and, at inchcombe 1995: 236 [italics in original)). It was 'the first of a number of third world revolutionary societies to become important objects in the politics of the hegemonic or core powers, especially those of the United States, and suffer the consequences of diplomatic isolation and systematic attempts at subversion by those core powers' (ibid: 239). Yet, at the same time, it also became a positive and hopeful symbol of revolutionary social change for those who identified with its racial project. Without recognition as a legitimate state, Haiti had to build international ties through informal and, at --- Page 97 --- "What kind offree this?" 77 times, covert channels of had an interest in abolishing communication that linked it with those who slavery and liberating black people. Afro-Caribbean reaction to Haitian Contrary to independence the anti-Haitian many Afro-Jamaicans, developments in forcign Haiti diplomacy, for and African progress, became a powerful symbol of freedom government. As Julius Scott demonstrating the capacity for black selfa channel notes, 'separated from barcly one hundred miles wide Saint-Domingue by Jamaica lay well within at its narrowest departing range of even the smallest point, western Hispaniola, and the undecked vessels made for a smooth and swift prevailing westward winds people of colour sought civil and passage' (Scott 1986: 217). As free colonies (calling in some instances political rights in the Europcan trade with Haiti became for abolition of slavery), and as recognition and more enticing to Caribbean merchants, became diplomatic isolation of the ostracized black nonincreasingly untenable. Haiti had a republic pcople of colour, many of whom defended special meaning for free promoted regional trade. If not Haitian independence and certainly a barometer and test of always a shining example, Haiti was This counter-discourse Afro-Caribbean progress. public debate about sought to influence the very terms of Omi and Winant emancipation, freedom, and black argue, racial cquality. As means in a particular discursive projects serve to 'connect what race social structures and practice and the ways in which both (Omi and Winant 1994: everyday experiences are racially organized' 56). Afro-Jamaican meaning of Haiti to publicly efforts to recast the ence from a 'black' argue in favour of Haitian independtion and an perspective represent both a attempt to change the racist symbolic recuperacolonial societies. Reports of Haiti social structures of white above all in the oppositional appeared regularly in Jamaica, of colour like Edward press owned and edited by prominent men Members of the House of Jordon and Robert Osborn who were also Assembly in the political interests in Jamaican reform emancipation period. Their Haitian progress, motivated dovetailed with an interest in if 'brown' elites in by a sense of common racial both countries were not identity (even equality for the black working class). prepared to endorse full There was a constant flow of passing between the two islands. newspapers In and private information Watchman and Jamaica Free Press 1831, Jordon and Osborn's tions with Haiti, citing Haitian printed reports on French negotianewspapers like La Feuille du in the political interests in Jamaican reform emancipation period. Their Haitian progress, motivated dovetailed with an interest in if 'brown' elites in by a sense of common racial both countries were not identity (even equality for the black working class). prepared to endorse full There was a constant flow of passing between the two islands. newspapers In and private information Watchman and Jamaica Free Press 1831, Jordon and Osborn's tions with Haiti, citing Haitian printed reports on French negotianewspapers like La Feuille du --- Page 98 --- 78 Democracy Afier Slavery attacked those "enemies of Commerce and Le Télégraphé. They abolition of slavery in 1834 freedom' who had vilified Haiti. Britain's in 1838 brightened prospects and ending of the apprenticeship system warmly welcomed and celctrade with Haiti. Haitians for inter-colonial observing British Emancipation Day brated British abolition of slavery. 19 In the changed situation. Afro- (August the First) as a festive occasion.' trade with their Caribbean neighJamaican merchants promoted open Afro-Caribbean identity and sense of bour, articulating an emerging world cconomy.a distinct interests counter to the Europcan-controlled petitioned the government In 1838 and 1842, Kingston merchants coastal boat traffic and internal trade with Haiti; controlling trade to open these local traders stood to profit most from provision markets, Journal, published by Jordon and Osborn. with Haiti. The Morning editorialized in 1838: it may have been considered, to prevent However prudent with the black republic. as she is someany communication existence of slavery, there can be no times called, during the of exclusion.. It good reason for still continuing the system of the Haytians to never was, it never could be the interest to revwith Great Britain. by attempting come into collision and that colony the brightest olutionize one of her colonies gem in the British crown.21 became an such views of Haiti, the Morning Journal interBy expressing network of regional commercial important link in an emerging extend the civil and political with a campaign to ests amalgamated Intellectual defenders of Haiti were also rights of people of colour. Journal. We well know that at one given a platform in the Morning for the Haytians. and it was feared period much dread was entertained then slaves, to follow they would endeavour to induce our peasantry. violent means', wrote one their example. and secure freedom know by that with some persons the Haitian commentator. 'and we also and call into is calculated to rouse old prejudices. very name Hayti Contrary to such and un-christian feclings' exercise the most unkind began with the unavoidviews, Linstant argued that Haiti's problems 'which. out of the oppresable violence of revolution and civil war, of free men into the world'.23 sions of Negro slavery. brought a nation himself under pressure to Meanwhile, President Boyer was in the 1830s, as an elite-led democratize the Haitian political system black participation in govliberal reform movement called for greater trade would The liberals also argued that Jamaican-Haitian ernment. beef, maize, grain, salt and wood, offer an opportunity to export pigs. with the English people' it would not to mention the beneficial contact which. out of the oppresable violence of revolution and civil war, of free men into the world'.23 sions of Negro slavery. brought a nation himself under pressure to Meanwhile, President Boyer was in the 1830s, as an elite-led democratize the Haitian political system black participation in govliberal reform movement called for greater trade would The liberals also argued that Jamaican-Haitian ernment. beef, maize, grain, salt and wood, offer an opportunity to export pigs. with the English people' it would not to mention the beneficial contact --- Page 99 --- 'What kind offree this?" 79 Afro-Jamaican public opinion, the afford.24 Mobilizing supportive on freedom of the press in Morning Journal reported a clampdown an issue dear to of journalists, Haiti and criticized Boyer's persecution the exiled editor of a its own heart. In 1842, Dumai Lespinasse, Journal for its applauded the Morning Haitian opposition newspaper and thanked the editors: fair treatment of Haitian issues, honorable sirs, who have always paid a just Thanks to you, have extended to us your fratribute to Truth who always and your ternal hands continue to extend your sympathies and oppressed people sound the guntalents to a suffering the days are not shots ofthe press without cease. Perhaps mother of African far away when the Republic of Haiti, this her, will surmounting the clouds which encircle liberty, herself beautiful and radiant among the nations(:] present with and enthusiasm how then. Sirs, you will remember joy to this beautiful held out your hand in the bad days you destined, I swear it, to become the refuge and the country rally point of all Africans. Haitian of the Boyer regime Given the presence of leading himself, opponents it is possible that this in Jamaica, including Lespinasse material assistance in addition to remarkable image tacitly refers to had made an ideological support. The Morning Journal previously that 'the statement on the political future of Haiti, asserting explicit dissatisfied with the government the masses people are becoming with their present condition, but made not only are being acquainted, exists for improving it. Hayti is about to also with the necessity which but it is to be a bloodless one.. Does she undergo another revolution, and deserve our assistance?'26 not challenge our sympathies shortly before the overthrow of Boyer, With such articles appearing association with the Haitian provisional the editors were clearly in close in Jamaica.27 Britain finally government and their exiled supporters Haiti in 1843,j just as Boyer's regime removed restrictions on trade with Le Manifeste, which 28 In June 1843, the Haitian newspaper was falling. liberal revolution, reported that Haitians residhad strongly supported the of that city attached to our cause', 7 ing in Kingston, along with patriots revolution with a splendid banquet. celebrated the triumph of the liberal of the editors of the Morning also raised money for one The banquet of his newspaper for the Journal. on account of the constant sympathy in Haiti the liberal Haitians and for his strong participation in propagating Thus, there were about the triumph of the revolution'2 ideas that brought and the development of a raciallystrong links between Haitian politics Jamaicans of colour. conscious and democratic public culture among strongly supported the of that city attached to our cause', 7 ing in Kingston, along with patriots revolution with a splendid banquet. celebrated the triumph of the liberal of the editors of the Morning also raised money for one The banquet of his newspaper for the Journal. on account of the constant sympathy in Haiti the liberal Haitians and for his strong participation in propagating Thus, there were about the triumph of the revolution'2 ideas that brought and the development of a raciallystrong links between Haitian politics Jamaicans of colour. conscious and democratic public culture among --- Page 100 --- 80 Democracy After Slavery not a chimera of the AngloThe 'Haytian Fear' 1 then, was simply distinct for one thing, there was an increasingly Jamaican imagination: Haitian exiles who had taken leading roles presence in Jamaica ofkey they refrained from any public in the politics ofthe republic. Although these exiles were nevertheless an role in Jamaican political affairs, of colour (as well as being important ideological influence on people [see Chapter 81). Just as quietly involved in Haiti's tumultuous politics to test the limits of their the mass of black Jamaicans were beginning a period of new Jamaican relations with Haiti were entering freedom, When conflict emerged in possibilities for open communication. of slaves and a government that priviJamaica between descendants would the example of Haiti leged a small propertied elite, what impact not only of the "brown' and practices have on the political ideologies of the 'black' Jamaican peasantry? elite, but even more crucially black revolution? The export of modes of emancipation. Haitians Though coming through two different generation made strong claims and Jamaicans of the post-emancipation freedom. By the time models and exemplars of black political to being freed, there began an unexpected convergence in Jamaica' 's slaves were collective destinies on a world the projection of Haitian and Jamaican between the two amount of communication stage and an increasing the world, that the sons of Africa are islands. By demonstrating to both Haitians and of exercising the rights of citizens'. capable African laying the groundwork for the Jamaicans embraced an identity, Jamaican of Garveyism and later pan-Africanism. development African freedom on a global scale by petitioning freedmen addressed slavery in the United States for an end to the slave trade, criticizing black' Mission to Africa. As self-consciously and supporting a Baptist by citizenAfrican' activists seized the new opportunities opened or sovereignty in the Caribbean momentarily seemed ship rights, popular inevitable. Yet, black citizenship was not a forepossible, perhaps even democracy co-existed uneasily gone outcome of slave emancipation: enslaved Africans and their socially with large populations of formerly Atlantic world. As argued in 'alien' descendants throughout the for freed slaves Chapter 1, other cases show that democratic 'openings' have often been followed by racist reactions. and contested Given these reactions, Haiti remained an important of struggles, central to the racial projects symbol in post-emancipation and cultural predominance. Haitians various contenders for economic the order, aware of their special role in international were acutely democracy co-existed uneasily gone outcome of slave emancipation: enslaved Africans and their socially with large populations of formerly Atlantic world. As argued in 'alien' descendants throughout the for freed slaves Chapter 1, other cases show that democratic 'openings' have often been followed by racist reactions. and contested Given these reactions, Haiti remained an important of struggles, central to the racial projects symbol in post-emancipation and cultural predominance. Haitians various contenders for economic the order, aware of their special role in international were acutely --- Page 101 --- 'What kind offree this?" 81 both Native Americans and Africans as citizens. pointedly welcoming Haiti also served as a magnet to black As W. Jeffrey Bolster argues, world because it encouraged frec black seamen throughout the Atlantic Enslaved sailors were regarded immigration and harboured runaways. in the contest between the domas brothers to be liberated and actors black republic' (Bolster slavocracy and a nascent inant hemispheric being transported from Maryland 1997: 147-8). When black captives rebellion in 1826, for example, they reportto Georgia led a shipboard crew take them to Haiti edly demanded that the vessel's surviving Haitians, African Americans, (Harding 1981: 80-1). Most significantly, in Haiti helped create a diasand West Indians of Color intermingling abroad' (Bolster which seafarers transported poric black sensibility, Afro-Jamaicans, did not stand alone in promoting 1997: 152). Thus, assessments of Haiti.31 more positive radicalism momentarily intersected with As British democratic Blackett 1983), the Haytian Fear' Haitian radicalism in the 1840s (cf. colony of Cuba via a triduly cast its shadow into the nearby Spanish Like other slave-based angle of links with newly free Jamaica. Haitian involvement in empires, Spain had good reason to suspect Haitian influence movements in its colonies. republican or abolitionist conspiracy of 1812, to an 1837 plot had been linked to Cuba's Aponte Rico, and in 1842 to a rumour that to spark a slave rebellion in Puerto to the intrigues of "linked political turmoil in Haiti and Santo Domingo careful in Jamaica' (Paquette 1997). Robert Paquette's abolitionists of La Escalera in Cuba shows that some research on the Conspiracy from Haiti in raising a counted on support free coloured conspirators slave uprisings in Mantanzas and slave rebellion in Cuba. Following with imprisCârdenas in 1843, the conspiracy was brutally suppressed 1988). and executions (Paquette or onment, interrogations, direct interference in Jamaica's, While Haiti disclaimed any unrest in Haiti did sometimes spill any other colony's internal politics, Colonial Office documents show that over into Jamaica indirectly,2 well as the influence ofHaitian exiles, awareness of events in Haiti, as Salmon wrote to the Governor in inspired suspected *outbreaks' : John of the state of Haiti and by June 1848, The negroes are quite aware were true... [They I have been asked if such and such reports them many "What kind of free this?This the free 33 gee used] the expressions slave, a man can't put up with it". Here we. This frec worse than conditions in Jamaica was directly linked to black dissatisfaction with Another informant complained that awareness of events in Haiti. of many colored refugees 'recent disorders in Haiti, and the arrival with accounts from from that Island on the shores of Jamaica, together their governments, of Europe of risings of the pcoplc against all parts were true... [They I have been asked if such and such reports them many "What kind of free this?This the free 33 gee used] the expressions slave, a man can't put up with it". Here we. This frec worse than conditions in Jamaica was directly linked to black dissatisfaction with Another informant complained that awareness of events in Haiti. of many colored refugees 'recent disorders in Haiti, and the arrival with accounts from from that Island on the shores of Jamaica, together their governments, of Europe of risings of the pcoplc against all parts --- Page 102 --- 82 Democracy Afer Slavery instructed and clever of the laborhave excited a few of the more may thoughts. In later years, ing class to indulge in wild and dangerous in the British public the 'spectre of Haiti' was deeply ingrained influence. One woman wrote imagination and continued to exercise its combination on that 'there is throughout the Island. a secret in despair and colored against English the part of the black boldly population. stated in our streets that influence.. We have it sometimes inhabitant and St. Domingo their object is to get rid of every white wish to model Jamaica'.35 is held up as an Elyseum after which they threats: We want Haiti was, indeed, invoked in anonymous of that stamp or even of Robespierres, Dantons and a few other men Island'. 36 kind, then would Jamaica be a happy the Haytien that Haiti also had a profound influence on Genovese suggests during 1840-1860". black abolitionists in the United States. Especially contact with Haiti, as well black leaders established he argues, 'many took heart from the revolutionary expeas with Africa. and many more Haiti's revolution and black selfrience there' (Genovese 1981: 97). abolitionists like clearly influenced African-American government David Walker and Henry Highland Garnet (Harding Martin Delaney. 1843 Address to the Slaves of the 1981; Stuckey 1987). Garnet's Toussaint L:Ouverture United States' called for rebellion, praising James T. Holly saw Haiti as the (Monroe 1975). More pacifically, Rev. and moved there in 1857 location for a powerful black state to develop 1970). Reeling from the to head the Episcopal Church (Holly [1857] Act. and the Slave Law, the 1854 Kansas-Nebraska 1850 Fugitive American abolitionists sup1857 Dred Scott decision, some African Haiti (Blackett to 1983).37 ported the idea of free black emigration the country as a desJames Redpath's Guide to Hayti (1860) promoted tination for black emigration: in the Western World where the There is only one country lords; where the Black and the man of color are undisputed which White is indebted for the liberty to live to the race is enslaved; where neither laws, nor prejudices. nor with us cruelly on persons of African historical memories, press and descent; where the people whom America degrades of drives from her are rulers, judges, and generals; men commercial relations, authors, artists. and legislaextended of this is HAYTI (Redpath [1861] tors.. The nane country 1970: 9). double interest in the project because it would not only Redpath felt a of the race for self-government' , but demonstrate 'the capacity [Negro) of free labor, within also surround *the Southern States with a cordon historical memories, press and descent; where the people whom America degrades of drives from her are rulers, judges, and generals; men commercial relations, authors, artists. and legislaextended of this is HAYTI (Redpath [1861] tors.. The nane country 1970: 9). double interest in the project because it would not only Redpath felt a of the race for self-government' , but demonstrate 'the capacity [Negro) of free labor, within also surround *the Southern States with a cordon --- Page 103 --- What kind of free this?" 83 Faustin Soulouque, 1850 Daumier's caricature of Emperor Figure 4 dic'39 must inevitably girded by fire, Slavery at eradicating which, like a scorpion racial project aimed Thus, it joined a hemispheric United States. advoeven in the 'democratic" pro-slavery slavery to these threatening developments. to the idea of black In reaction Fear', now linked (Dash resurrected the Haytian of savagery" cates back' into a state 'primitive unrest in Haiti fueled populations "sinking Holt 1992). Ongoing political by Hall 1996; exemplified 1997; of the failure of black government. Without the racist depictions vitriolic rant against emancipation. black West Indian Thomas Carlyle's drive him, he argued, the "beneficent whip' to fate far worse than slavery: labourer would face a black In reaction Fear', now linked (Dash resurrected the Haytian of savagery" cates back' into a state 'primitive unrest in Haiti fueled populations "sinking Holt 1992). Ongoing political by Hall 1996; exemplified 1997; of the failure of black government. Without the racist depictions vitriolic rant against emancipation. black West Indian Thomas Carlyle's drive him, he argued, the "beneficent whip' to fate far worse than slavery: labourer would face a --- Page 104 --- 84 Democracy After: Slavery across to Haiti, and trace a far sterner [Llet him look idleness, rebellion, prophecy! Let him, by his ugliness. Indies and make it all banish all White men from the West black Peter Haiti. with little or no sugar growing. one black Paul, and where a garden of the exterminating but a tropical dog-kennel and Hesperides might be, nothing in Hall 1992: 272). pestiferous jungle (Carlyle [1850] (1847-1859) especially horrified The regime of Emperor Soulouque Napolcon III in the Eighteenth Europeans. Karl Marx ridiculed his imperial trappings and Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte, by comparing Daumier caricatured the false power to Soulouque's (Marx 1913). cannibal. boiling alive a black Emperor as a savage (but fincly dressed) (Figure 3; cf. Dayan 1995: 10-13)." French journalist other writers of the period, In 1862. Alexandre Bonneau, echoing conductors of Haitian argued that the mulattoes were the necessary are the incarnation they represent progress in her midst: they society; infused into the blood of African populaof the genius of Europe of colur to try to bring their African brothtions.. Itis up to the men 1862: 100). This racial project' ers closer to civilization' (Bonneau century and into the resurfaced throughout the nineteenth continually in the infamous memoirs of Sir Spenser twentieth, for example. whose writing popularized St. John, British Consul in Port-au-Prince, 1992: Farmer 1994: 81: the image of Haitians as savages (Lawless St. John [1889] 1971). or African "voodoo' that It was not only a revolutionary past its continuing fear and ridicule of Haiti, but more importantly inspired stance. After the execution of [the insuranti-slavery and anti-colonial Brown in the United States, in December rectionary abolitionist] John were flown at half 1859', points out Nicholls. flags in Port-au-Prince solemn mass in the family attended a requiem mast, and presidential 1996: 85: Lawless 1992: 43). By the 1860s, the cathedral' (Nicholls and anti-colonial struggles Haiti was associated with anti-slavery Dominican War of Restoration across the Americas, from the Maximilian (1862-67), and (1863-65) to the Mexican struggle against the Cuban Ten Years' War (1868-78) (Martinez-Femandez finally see in 8. there were crucial con1994). In Jamaica, as we shall Chapter movement that between black activists in the 1865 political nections Rebellion and certain Haitian exiles attemptpreceded the Morant Bay President Geffrard in Haiti. ing to overthrow Haitian influence and activities was Official paranoia regarding especially also crucial in Cuba during the two wars ofindependence, of Oriente (many because of the major part played by the Afro-Cubans Ten Years' War (1868-78) (Martinez-Femandez finally see in 8. there were crucial con1994). In Jamaica, as we shall Chapter movement that between black activists in the 1865 political nections Rebellion and certain Haitian exiles attemptpreceded the Morant Bay President Geffrard in Haiti. ing to overthrow Haitian influence and activities was Official paranoia regarding especially also crucial in Cuba during the two wars ofindependence, of Oriente (many because of the major part played by the Afro-Cubans --- Page 105 --- 'What kind of free this?" 85 As Aline Hclg suggests, 'Spanish Authorities of Haitian ancestry). of the Haitian Revolution in continuously brandished the scarecrow from Spain. They order to divide Cubans and to prevent separation in the Guerra Chiquita [of 1879], which was circumscribed converted Afro-Cuban chieftains, into a race war Oriente and led mostly by Haiti and Santo Domingo' (Helg 1995: launched under the auspices of assimilated Antonio Maceo had indeed called for 'a new republic 49). and Haiti'. Spanish authorities alleged to our sisters of Santo Domingo black state in eastern Cuba that his real aim was 'to establish a separate organization allegedly with the support of the Liga Antillana...an Haiti and Santo Domingo' made up of blacks and mulattoes from thus As Maingot notes, fear of "Haitianization" (Helg 1995: 48-54). sword of Damocles' (Maingot 1996: 66). hung over Cuban life like a not incidental; if These intra-Caribbean relationships are merely communication anything, Haiti's pariah status cased the underground Fear' was to some racial project. The Haytian of an oppositional slavcholders. yet Haiti's existence did extent invented by paranoid formation of black publics in surroundhave an actual influence on the Haiti's isolation also led to ing territories. The racism that promoted of colour, and may have anti-racist movements among free people movedemocratization movements and even anti-colonial inspired fears of Haiti ran deep, we ments in some contexts. While exaggerated for the definition of a should not dismiss Haiti's real significance Americas. Black' collective identity in the nineteenth-century alternative narratives of Haiti were used to construct Competing Which 'collective reading' racial and national maps of the Caribbean. depended on their posiof Haiti (Farmer 1994) various actors adopted From Charles Mackenzie tion within relational networks ofinteraction. of British missionaries Hill in the 1820s to the writings and Richard and Mark Bird in the 1860s, the British like Edward Bean Underhill keen interest in the development of (and Jamaican) publics took a whether black' or 'brown,' Haiti. 40 Yet, many Afro-Caribbean built people, their own racial projects around a rejected the white story line and identified with Haitian liberation, symbolic alliance with Haiti. They and independent self-rule military success against European armies, recoiled from the most radical (even if 'brown' elites in both countries whites, on the other hand, implications of black empowerment). Fear', Many with its spooky tales of believed the terror of the Haytian voodoo (a fear that is continually primitive barbarism, savagery and media and popular culture). The reinforced by the North American and this fear of Haiti have conlegacies of both this partial embrace aims in writing this book is Haitian history. One of my tinued to warp and begin to shed light on to dispel some of those misunderstandings --- Page 106 --- 86 Democracy After Slavery of liberated slaves and their of the contribution the true significance descendants to the making of democracy." Notes literature of racist depictions of Haiti in nincteenth-century (Paris: On the related history Les Ecrivahtsfrançais et les antilles and travel writing, see: Regis Antoine, Michael Dash, Haitiand the United States: G.P. Maisonneuve ct Larose, 1978);J. 2nd ed. (Basingstoke and New National Stereotypes in the Literary Imagination. 106 --- 86 Democracy After Slavery of liberated slaves and their of the contribution the true significance descendants to the making of democracy." Notes literature of racist depictions of Haiti in nincteenth-century (Paris: On the related history Les Ecrivahtsfrançais et les antilles and travel writing, see: Regis Antoine, Michael Dash, Haitiand the United States: G.P. Maisonneuve ct Larose, 1978);J. 2nd ed. (Basingstoke and New National Stereotypes in the Literary Imagination. History, and the Gods (Berkeley. York: St. Martin' s, 1997); Joan Dayan, Haiti, Press. 1995): Robert Lawless, London: University of California The Los Angeles, VT: Schenkman Books. 1992): Paul Farmer, Haiti's Bad Press (Rochester, 1994). Uses ofHaiti (Monroe, ME: Common Courage, who define 'racial formation" as *the 2 I follow Michael Omi and Howard Winant are created. inhabited. transsociohistorical process by which racial categories Racial Formation int the United and (M. Omi and H. Winant formed, destroyed' 1990s [New York: Routledge, 1994).p.55). States: from the 1960s t0 the isolation include Yves Auguste, Haitietles 3 Specific studies of Haitian diplomatic Editions Naaman. 1979): Alfred États-Unis: 1804-1862 (Sherbrooke, Québec: shumbering volcano in the Hunt, Haiti's Influence on Antebellun America: Press: 1988): Robert K. (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Caribbean Economic Decline: The Haitian Case. 1820-1843',7he LaCertc, Xenophobia and Abel-Nicolas Léger. Histoire Diplomatiqne Americas, 37: 4 (1981): 449-459; Aug. Heraux. 1930): Brenda G. d'Haiti, Vol. 1, 1804-1859 (Port-au-Prince: 1902-1915 Impr. (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State Plummer, Haiti and the Great Powers, United States: The Psychological Moment University Press. 1988) and Haitiand the Arthur L. Stinchcombe. "Class (Athens. GA: University of Georgia Press. 1992):and World System". Haitian Isolation in thel9th-century Conflict and Diplomacy: 1-23. My approach differs from all of Sociological Perspectives, 37:1 (1994): Afro- Caribbean reactions. these in highlighting regional 2. note 20. On its international impact, 4 For analyses of the revolution, see Chapter eds.. A Turbulent Time: The French see David Gaspar and David Geggus. and Indianapolis: Indiana Revolution and the Greater Caribbean (Bloomington War and Revolution: The British University Press, 1997); David Geggus, Slavery. Clarendon, 1982),nd Haiti Occupation of Saint Domingue, 1793-1798 (Oxford: International Politics in Britain and and the Abolitionists: Opinion, Propaganda and ed. David Richardson (London: France, 1804-1835' in Abolition and its Aftermath. Frank Cass. 1985). 1805. Arts. 12/14 (Linstant. Récueil Général des d'Haîti, 5 Constitution Imperiale Lois. Vol. 1.p. 49). St. Dominguc usually draw on AN. Series 6 Histories of colonial and revolutionary CC9a-c carries on well into the nineteenth C9a-b. but the less known sub-series from anciens colons, Large parts of it are made up of correspondence century. claims to compensation, but also proposals for many of which include not only reconquest and specific plans for military action. and the United States and set Whitc from St. Domingue moved to Jamaica refugees Haitian isolation and reconquest (see corresponding committees advocating up Wright and George Debien, Les colons de Saint-Domingue AN, CC9a-c; Philippe Notes d'Histoire Coloniale. but the less known sub-series from anciens colons, Large parts of it are made up of correspondence century. claims to compensation, but also proposals for many of which include not only reconquest and specific plans for military action. and the United States and set Whitc from St. Domingue moved to Jamaica refugees Haitian isolation and reconquest (see corresponding committees advocating up Wright and George Debien, Les colons de Saint-Domingue AN, CC9a-c; Philippe Notes d'Histoire Coloniale. no. 168 (Paris: passés à la Jamaique (1792-1835)'. J. Owen, 1976) pp. 188-9: and Hunt, Haiti's Influence. --- Page 107 --- What kind offree this?" 87 to his Majesty from the Commission to 8 AN, CC9a.50, Doc. 3, Report St. Domingue. 1816. des Commissaires du roi avec le Gen. 9 AN, CC9a.50., Doc. 1. Corréspondence Pétion, Nos. 8-10, 25 Oct. 1816, 10 Nov. 1816. On earlier British presence 10 FO 35/2, Canning to Mackenzie, 13 Sept. 14 1826. Oct. 1826; and Leslie Griffiths, in Haiti, see FO 35/1 Horton to Canning. Méthodiste-D.E.L. 1991). ofMethodism in Haiti (Port-au-Prince: Impr. A History 6 Sept. 1826: 28 May 1826. 11 FO35/3, Mackenzie to Canning, 12 AMAE, C. P., Haîti. Vol. 8. Baudin. Mission d'Haiti, 1837-38. GGIL1, Papiers du Amiral C. 13 AN,A.M.. Haîti, Vol. 8, Rapport sur la Mission d'Haiti, 1837-38. 14 AMAE. C. P., to 10 Dec. 1839, pp. 186-95. 15 AMAE, C. P., Haiti, Vol. 8, Levasseur Ministry, in in Jamaica Haitian influence was claimed conspiracies 16 According to Geggus, Santo Domingo (1793). Louisiana (1795), (1791, 1815), Marie Galante (1791), Rico (1811), and Cuba (1812). In the Tobago (1801). Trinidad (1805), Puerto 1990; United States, it was linked to Gabriel Prosser's conspiracy.(Egertion 1997); and 393-6): Lousiana's 1811 slave uprising (Paquette Jordan 1968: (Logan 1941: 195). Genovese argues that it Denmark Vesey's 1822 insurrection throughout the New World' 'propelled a revolution in black consciousness Slave Revolts in Genovese, From Rebellion to Revolution: Afro-Aunerican 96). (Eugene New World [New York: Vintage. 1981], p. Geggus, the Making of the beware of overrating the Haitian example as a however, warns that 'one needs to "Slavery, War, and Revolution in other revolts' (David Geggus, factor stimulating in D. Gaspar and D. Geggus, eds., A Turbulent the Greater Caribbean, 1789-1815' Caribbean, [Bloomington and The French Revolution and the Greater Time: Indiana University Press, 1997], p. 14). AN CC9a.54. Papers Indiaapolis: Advertiser, Vol.1, no. 118, 26 Jan. 1824, encl. in 206, 17 The Public Lecesne and J. Escoffery, [1823-1826). pp. 15, Relating tothe Case of LC. Reporter, Vol. 1, no. 4, 30 Sept. 1825, 275. Sec also the Anti-Slavery Monthly pp. 28-32. Free Press, Vol. 2, no. 24, 24 March 18[30), 18 CO 142/1, The Watchan & Jamaica the Lecesne and Escoffery Affair. , encl. in 206, 17 The Public Lecesne and J. Escoffery, [1823-1826). pp. 15, Relating tothe Case of LC. Reporter, Vol. 1, no. 4, 30 Sept. 1825, 275. Sec also the Anti-Slavery Monthly pp. 28-32. Free Press, Vol. 2, no. 24, 24 March 18[30), 18 CO 142/1, The Watchan & Jamaica the Lecesne and Escoffery Affair. in extracts from the Yellow Book on First of August toasted the British Nation 19 In Jérémie, for example, a banquet on the Vol. 1, no. 21,22. Aug. 1841). and the English people (Le Manifeste, in Jamaica began in the 1840s Efforts to form black-owned shipping companies in the Atlantic Wall: Black Americans (Richard Blackett, Building an Antislavery Rouge and London: Louisiana State Abolitionist Movement, 1830-1860 [Baton in Marcus Garvey's Black Star University, 1983], pp. 118-21) and culminated Garvey, Marcus Garvey and the Line. See John H. Clarke, ed., with Amy Jacques Tony Martin, Race First: The (New York: Vintage Books, 1974); UNIA (Dover, Vision ofAfrica Struggles of Marcus Garvey and the The Ideological and Organizational 1976); and Amy Jacques Garvey, comp.. Mass.: The Majority Press, Or, Africa, for the Africans, 2 vols. Philosophy and Opinions of Marcus Garvey, 1923, 1925]). Mass.: The Majority Press, 1986 [first published (Dover, nos. 18/19, 30 Apr. and 1 May 1838. 21 Morning Journal, 1842, article attributed to [Baron S.J L'Instant. 22 Morning Journal, 10. June Linstant was well known for his prize-winning Journal, 10 June 1842. the British and 23 Morning (Linstant 1841). He addressed against racial prejudice 28 Jan. 1843), and essay Society in 1842 (Le Manifeste, no. 41, Général des Foreign Anti-Slavery on the laws of Haiti (Linstant, Récueil later published a commentary Lois). --- Page 108 --- 88 Democracy After Slavery 24 Le Manifeste, No. 30-31, 28 Sept. 1842. 25 Morning Journal, 12 Oct. and 19 Oct. 1842. Elsewhcre I have more extensively discussed gender and citizenship in Haiti (Sheller, Sword-Bearing Citizens'). 26 Morning Journal, 13 June 1842. 27 The provisional government also wrotc secretly to the Governor of Jamaica asking for military aid, which he declined (FO 35/27, Lord Elgin to Lord Stanley, 16 Feb. 1843, encl. Committee of the People to Lord Elgin, 7 Feb. 1843). 28 FO 35/26, Ministry of Foreign Affairs to Admiralty Office, 28 Mar. 1843. 29 Le Manifeste, no. 10, 11 June 1843. 30 Baptist Herald and Friend of Africa, Vol. 5, no. 28. 9 July 1844. 31 Recent studies of black seafaring suggest extensive transatlantic networks among sailors and stevedores of African descent (See Julius S. Scott III, The Common Wind: Currents of Afro-American Communication in the Era of the Haitian Revolution" (Ph.D. dissertation, Duke University, 1986); and Jeffrey W. Bolster, Black Jacks: African American Seamen in tle Age of Sail (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1997). 32 Refugees of Haitian political turmoil often fled to Jamaica, bringing news with them (e.g.. FO 35/28, Ussher to Aberdeen, 21 Apr. 1844). 33 CO 137/299, Salmon to Grey, 25 June 1848. 34 CO 137/299, Pilgrim to Grey, 6July 1848. . dissertation, Duke University, 1986); and Jeffrey W. Bolster, Black Jacks: African American Seamen in tle Age of Sail (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1997). 32 Refugees of Haitian political turmoil often fled to Jamaica, bringing news with them (e.g.. FO 35/28, Ussher to Aberdeen, 21 Apr. 1844). 33 CO 137/299, Salmon to Grey, 25 June 1848. 34 CO 137/299, Pilgrim to Grey, 6July 1848. 35 NLJ, MS 865, Elizabeth Holt to Underhill, 26 Oct. 1853, p. 2. 36 CO 137/345, Anonymous letter enclosed in Darling to CO, 9 June 1859. 37 For African American emigration projects involving Haiti. see Earl Griggs and Clifford Prator, eds., Henry Christophe and Thomas Clarkson, A Correspondence (New York: Greenwood Press, 1968); Loring Dewey, Correspondence Relative to the Emigration to Hayti of the Free People of Colour in tle United States' (New York: Day, 1824); James Redpath, ed.. A Guide to Hayti (Westport, CT: Negro Universities Press [1861] 1970); James T. Holly, *A Vindication of the capacity of the Negro race for self-government and civilized progress' in Howard Bell, ed., Black Separatism and the Caribbean, 1860 (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 11857] 1970). 38 On African-American relations with Haiti in this period, see Fordham Monroe, 'Nineteenth Century Black Thought in the United States: Some Influences of the Santo Domingo Revolution' 1 Journal of Black Studies, Vol. 6, no. 2 (December 1975): 15-26; James O.Jackson, "The Origins of Pan-African Nationalism: AfroAmerican and Haytian Relations, 1800-1863* (Ph.D. dissertation. Northwestern University, 1976); Auguste, Haiti et les États-Unis : Hunt. Haiti's Plummer, Haiti and the United States; Dash, Haiti and the United States. Influence: 39 An Englishman who met Soulouque in 1850 noted that contrary to European the Emperor could read, write and speak French. and was "greatly annoyed jibes, at the caricatures of hini published in the Paris Charivari, and the jokes of the in general' (Bigelow [1851] 1970: 191). For relatively positive assessments press of the Soulouque regime, cf. Murdo MacLeod, "The Soulouque Regime in Haiti, 1847-1859: A Reevaluation' in Caribbean Studies, 10:3 (1970): 35-48; and Nicholls, From Dessalines to Duvalier. 40 The copy of Bird's book held at the Bodleian library at Oxford is inscribed "To Dr. Underhill with the kind regards of the Author. Oct. 6, 1869'; both men had been in Haiti around the same time. As we shall see, it was the peasantry of Jamaica that instigated the Underhill's concern for political movement there of 1865. Many of the ideas and evidence discussed in this chapter appeared earlier in M. Sheller, "The "Haytian Fear": Racial Projects and Competing Reactions to First Black Republic' in Research in Politics and Society, Vol. 6, (JAI Press, the 1999), pp. 285-303. --- Page 109 --- Black publics and peasant freedom in Haiti, 1820-1843 If Haiti became a symbol of slave a symbol of black liberation uprising in metropolitan politics and Caribbeans, what was the actual among both free and enslaved Afroselves? As we have reality of 'freedom' for seen in Chapter 2, Haitians themdeclined in post-independence planter economic dominance diversified, coffee Haiti in SO far as class replaced sugar as the main landholding was solidarity was fragmented by divisions export crop and ruling Politically, however, a small elite controlled of colour and region. which the majority of the an autonomous state over which they had little population had little influence and from often described protection. Indeed, as lacking in ninetenth-century Haiti is true political society', and intermediate of associations, being without a nation. Haitians themdeclined in post-independence planter economic dominance diversified, coffee Haiti in SO far as class replaced sugar as the main landholding was solidarity was fragmented by divisions export crop and ruling Politically, however, a small elite controlled of colour and region. which the majority of the an autonomous state over which they had little population had little influence and from often described protection. Indeed, as lacking in ninetenth-century Haiti is true political society', and intermediate of associations, being without a nation. As Michel-Rolph experiencing a rift between state and Nation (1990), Haitian Trouillot argues in Haiti: State peasants are the mounn Against people, or what Gérard Barthélémy andéyo', the outside the nation outside. It is often said (1989) calls le pays en dehors', society and some have even that Haiti lacked (and lacks) a civil politics, in Haiti it has failed... argued that, 'no matter how one defines flight engendered The pervasive fear, by a politics of suspicion, and blocked the hostility and emergence of a stable society that indifference have groups of people beyond the family' would encompass large These views on some kind of (Weinstein and Segal 1992: 2). are supported by failing in Haitian civil institutions historiographic studies politics. The lack of peasant political ofninetenth-century Haitian themes of Nicholls' participation is one of the central cultural history comprehensive study of Haitian political and (published in 1979): At no time in the history of the significant degree of long-term country has there been a political process.. popular participation in the ernment and political Authoritarianism on the part of the govthe mass of the irresponsibility or apathy on the part of dent Haiti. population have gone together in Only when conditions have become indepenintolerable, --- Page 110 --- 90 Democracy After Slavery power have Or when rival claimants to governmental intervene and then appeared. did the mass of the people to a new dictator merely to sccure the transfer of powcr (Nicholls 1996: 245-46). medium-sized peasants did have a more In certain periods, small and Nicholls, but only with involvement in public affairs' 1 avers existed in "transitory' positive impact. In SO far as any democratic ideology urban elite. not by to have been promulgated by the Haiti, it seems to James Leyburn's study of The Mintz, in his introduction the peasants. likewise verges on dismissing altogether Haitian People (1966), Although admitting that peaspossibility of peasant political agency. role in nineteenth-century Haiti, ants occasionally played a political in general, they are "unable to Mintz argues that this was exceptional; economic as well as cultural' and are that is break out of a stagnation and invisible'. he further laments. wholly "apathetic". Scemingly mute of Haiti remind one of Marx's "apparently powerless, the peasantry organization only in the sense that famous dictum that peasants possess (Mintz 1989: 270, the potatoes in a sack of potatoes are organized' 297). it would seem, is not a good candidate for The Haitian peasantry, ideology, democratic or othersubaltern exemplifying a revolutionary Black Jacobins? What can explain this wise. What happened to James' mistaken appraisal of Haitian politapparent political apathy? Or is it a about instances of culture? How much do we really know past ical in a field where both sources and peasant political activism, especially At the very least, further primary research are thin on the ground? political into the duration and significance of previous peasant research the misfortunes of democracy activity is needed if we are to understand Some have explored in the first American republic to abolish slavery. emplifying a revolutionary Black Jacobins? What can explain this wise. What happened to James' mistaken appraisal of Haitian politapparent political apathy? Or is it a about instances of culture? How much do we really know past ical in a field where both sources and peasant political activism, especially At the very least, further primary research are thin on the ground? political into the duration and significance of previous peasant research the misfortunes of democracy activity is needed if we are to understand Some have explored in the first American republic to abolish slavery. distinction between a Caribbean radicalism in terms of the Gramscian James 1998), in of versus a war of maneuver" (cf. *war position' mobilization and violent conflict which the former involves head-on ideological terrain. Are the while the latter occurs on a more subtle of that has of Haiti locked into an invisible war manoeuvre peasants Others have noted the silencing of the past' simply been overlooked? that 1995) and the hegemonic effort to resolve contradictions (Trouillot silences in dominant narratives or stories leads to gaps and telling ideologies in Haiti perhaps lost in (Paige 1998). versus a war of maneuver" (cf. *war position' mobilization and violent conflict which the former involves head-on ideological terrain. Are the while the latter occurs on a more subtle of that has of Haiti locked into an invisible war manoeuvre peasants Others have noted the silencing of the past' simply been overlooked? that 1995) and the hegemonic effort to resolve contradictions (Trouillot silences in dominant narratives or stories leads to gaps and telling ideologies in Haiti perhaps lost in (Paige 1998). Are peasant political the silences oft the victor's history? Haitian politics by arguing Stinchcombe takes a stab at explaining He suggests that that it resembles other Latin American republics. colony (except for 'black Haiti looked more like a former Spanish --- Page 111 --- Black publics and peasant, freedom in Haiti, 1820-1843 91 much denser SO being militarily much more powhaving a population. than like the other slave societies after erful, and speaking French) His is based on emancipation' (Stinchcombe 1996: 318). hypothesis political system resembles the argument that Haiti's post-emancipation and the the candillismo common to South American republics Caribbean (Cuba, Puerto Rico and the Dominican Republic). Hispanic of caudillismo as the leadership of charismatic Yet, his description latifundia SO typical of heroes, often arising out of the cattle-ranching does not fit the Haitian case. Even by Latin America, simply cases with which he Stinchcombe's own criteria, the three Hispanic characterisHaiti all had cultural, political and developmental groups absent in Haiti. They fall into a cluster which he charactics that were scale: they did not experience the terizes as 'low' on the slave society dominated their economies sugar frontier until after 1800, sugar never with a 'mestizo' racial structures and they had relatively unpolarized boom, which at majority. Haiti, in contrast, experienced an early sugar of a slave dominated the economy, and it was far more its peak and a black majority. I believe society' with strong racial polarization would do better to try to underhis hypothesis is untenable, and we to other slave is comparable stand in what ways Haiti's development societies. Stinchcombe's basic In fact, contrary to his own protestations. and peasant agency as the model of variation in planter dominance societies is perfectly keys to social transformation in post-slavery In this the of Haiti; Haiti is not an exception. applicable to analysis of the Haitian peasantry chapter. I will argue that the apparent apathy do with Haitian social isolation, with a cultural tendency has nothing to with the backwardness of peasant subsistence toward caudillismo, the lack of social institutions in rural areas. Rather, economies or with the structure of ties between state and civil it has everything to do with role of the military in relations actors, and, above all, the intervening intentions, republican between publics and the state. Despite good Haitians created institutions and a fierce desire for liberty and equality, citizens without from its potential citizenry and a state de-coupled communication. Nevertheless, the access to any channels of political still struggle for democratization was present. dynamic I will focus on the development of peasant agency In this chapter, political and civil dimensions. in post-slavery Haiti, in its economic, had declined since the era of My thesis is that although planter power were fragmented, a French colonial control and the sugar plantations Social and rise in peasant power was thwarted. political concomitant to the freed slaves who had liberated control did not actually pass Instead, control of post-independence themselves through revolution. communication. Nevertheless, the access to any channels of political still struggle for democratization was present. dynamic I will focus on the development of peasant agency In this chapter, political and civil dimensions. in post-slavery Haiti, in its economic, had declined since the era of My thesis is that although planter power were fragmented, a French colonial control and the sugar plantations Social and rise in peasant power was thwarted. political concomitant to the freed slaves who had liberated control did not actually pass Instead, control of post-independence themselves through revolution. --- Page 112 --- 92 Democracy After Slavery and the small elite which into the hands of the military Haiti passed I suggest that the weak structure chose to protect its own interests. Haiti was caused not simply by the of publicity in nineteenthi-century (which, after all. was also taken in the military path to emancipation failure to subordinate the miliUnited States). but by the subsequent "constitusyon sé papié, to civil control. As the Kréyol saying goes, but is the tary are paper, bayonets are iron]: bayonet sé fer' [constitutions sword always mightier than the pen? Peasant economic agency mobility to break depends first on having enough Peasant autonomy of relations that informed plantation out of the master-slave pattern abolition. Mobility is a societies in the Americas even after slavery's of freedom was built on the of freedom. This aspect in key component slave autonomous traditions established foundations of existing society inhabited by what Mintz calls the 'interstices' of plantation In the Caribbean peasantries (Mintz 1989: 146).' 'reconstituted' refers to a whole range of mixed situations region. the term peasant' but also including occainvolving some access to subsistence plots, production and/or capacmarketing, fishing, petty sional wage-labour. for any of these ity for migration to areas with greater opportunity French Saint-Domingue had additional activities. British Jamaica and before the abolimost some of the well-developed 'proto-peasantries" of early. intensive sugar tion of slavery because of their combination landscape. Both were already plantations. large size and mountainous was abolished. Both had the sugar frontier period when slavery Maroon past interiors. with a tradition of extremely rugged and isolated traditions of land-holding kinsemi-autonomy. Both had established and in Jamaica around the centred in Haiti around the lakou?. With groups. (Mintz 1989: 241; Besson 1995: 77). yard and provision ground after 1804 and the the abolition of slavery, the Haitian peasantry well on their way to after 1838 were already Jamaican peasantry kinship structures and semiestablishing their own communities. autonomous subsistence economies. measures of Peasant land ownership is one of the most significant for liberties in former slave societies, peasant civil rights and personal family decisionwith land ownership came control over everyday As Carolyn making, as well as some degree of economic autonomy. claim in regard to the Haitian Revolution, a personal Fick has argued labored and from which to derive and to the land upon which one for the black laborers, a necessary and express one'sindividuality was, ican peasantry kinship structures and semiestablishing their own communities. autonomous subsistence economies. measures of Peasant land ownership is one of the most significant for liberties in former slave societies, peasant civil rights and personal family decisionwith land ownership came control over everyday As Carolyn making, as well as some degree of economic autonomy. claim in regard to the Haitian Revolution, a personal Fick has argued labored and from which to derive and to the land upon which one for the black laborers, a necessary and express one'sindividuality was, --- Page 113 --- Black publics and peasant freedom in Haiti, 1820-1843 93 element in their vision of freedom. For without this conan essential freedom for the ex-slaves was little crete economic and social reality, 1990: 249). She places the 'ideomore than a legal abstraction' (Fick in the struggle for land as logical origins' of the Haitian peasantry of Haiti, King expressed in the revolution. In the Northern Kingdom the maintained the big estates intact and under Henry Christophe who formed a new black aristoccontrol of a few successful generals distributed land to the veterans of racy. In the south, President Pétion the fatherland'. who had fought 'to liberate the wars ofindependence achieved what Fick calls fa stabilizing comHis land distribution mulatto elite and the economically promise between the hegemonic A decree of December 30th, dispossessed masses' (Fick 1988: 269). 1809, full title to property taken from former sugar plantations, gave rank: 25 carreaux for Colonels, 15 carreaux for according to military to Second Lieutenants, and Battalion chiefs, 10 carreaux for Captains soldiers (Lacerte 1975: officers and 5 carreaux to non-commisioned extensive distribution of land 81).4In 1814, Pétion carried out another service. 35 cartaken from coffee estates to officers on active granting 25 caror chiefs, 30 carreaux to Captains, reaux to Battalion squadron to Second Lieutenants; land was reaux to Lieutenants, and 20 carreaux hospital also distributed in smaller grants to government employees, of and members of the judicial administration, as a way employees 1975: 82-3). As Lepelletier de Saint-Rémy paying salaries (Lacerte of the old colonial plantations put it in 1846, Pétion's parcellization 1975: 83-4). had "republicanized the soil' (Lacerte distributions were attempts to In many respects, Pétion's land French destabilization and maintain loyalty in the face of continuing hierarwith the north. Yet, it is also important to distinguish civil war class, which originated in part out of already chies within the peasant and in part out of these hierarchies within slave communities existing Clear demarcations developed between 'big new land distributions. land and often hired labour; 'small peasants' peasants' who owned labour; tenants and share-croppers who who depended only on family indirect control over land and the owned no land, but exercised some who worked for relalabour-process; and finally the landless peasants and sometimes in return for subsistence, tives Or bigger landowners plantations. Each group had differworked for wages on the remaining capacities of economic autonomy and organizational ent degrees 1993). Land-poor dependents in particu- (Mintz 1973, 1979; Isaacman a small piece of family land, women), who had to share lar (especially by gros membres' of the family. These were liable to be exploited the lakou as a pool of agricultural wealthier peasants could use clients of their kin. workers, as well as creating political in return for subsistence, tives Or bigger landowners plantations. Each group had differworked for wages on the remaining capacities of economic autonomy and organizational ent degrees 1993). Land-poor dependents in particu- (Mintz 1973, 1979; Isaacman a small piece of family land, women), who had to share lar (especially by gros membres' of the family. These were liable to be exploited the lakou as a pool of agricultural wealthier peasants could use clients of their kin. workers, as well as creating political --- Page 114 --- 94 Democracy After Slavery Maintaining inalienable "family land' was one ing these class differences. Family land in Haiti way of counteractants of the original owner, has sacred bclongs to all descendthrough generations. meaning and is passed down role in maintaining Family-oriented Vodou ritual plays an important Ithis] form of social the properties granted during the organisation that appeared on nineteenth government to soldiers who had century by the Haitian Independence' (Larose 1975: participated in the War of Haiti shows the continuity of 511). the Twentieth-century fieldwork in family land. In Léogane, for peasant valuation of inalienable still built around the démembre. example, the lakou, or family yard. was 'its cemetery, its cult house and a special part of the family land with the family its trees which are the spirits.. [It] is the basic unit of repositories of 1975: 490-92). As Georges peasant religion" (Larose Haiti, rural society is not Anglade argues in relation to modern the commonplace lacking its own social structures. He imagery of four million Haitians rejects autarchic, without organization. scattered, alone, (Anglade 1982: 135). He living in a heap of disparate beliefs' hoods and describes the infrastructure of bourg-jardins' in the plains, neighbourtains, converging on the weekly markets, valleys, plateaux and mounand soldering points' of the which serve as intersections patterns of trade peasant social framework. Out of these century (as seen in the already well-established in the early nineteenth rural society built extensive pyramidal hierarchy of license fees in Table 3) also of kinship and religion, networks of trade and commerce, but cooperation and collective Contrary to the common image of an association. tered peasants, then, the rural unorganized mass of scatin fact practised their working class and small habitants ization. own genres ofassociation and have Barthélémy, likewise, argues that Haitian cooperative organoped a self-regulating culture "outside' peasants have develof state egalitarianism and inter-individual structures, based on Collective work structures that can be reciprocity (Barthélémy 1989). century (such as Sociétés de traced back to the nineteenth Avanjou), all share labour outside Travail, of Combites, Esconades and collectively, serve as friendly societies the monetary system, work land (Barthélémy 1989; Courlander and in some cases elect leaders modern 'collective work structures" 1960). Barthélémy connects these Jamaican Richard Hill, for to earlier precedents. The visiting share-cropping, observed example, described a kind of 1830: "Their on his visit to Chateaublond cooperative method is to divide themselves plantation in vate together a part of the by families, and to cultiportion of the product of that plantation, and they receive for salary a their division. which they cultivate and conforming to the manufacture in dispositions of the rural code'. . Hill 'collective work structures" 1960). Barthélémy connects these Jamaican Richard Hill, for to earlier precedents. The visiting share-cropping, observed example, described a kind of 1830: "Their on his visit to Chateaublond cooperative method is to divide themselves plantation in vate together a part of the by families, and to cultiportion of the product of that plantation, and they receive for salary a their division. which they cultivate and conforming to the manufacture in dispositions of the rural code'. . Hill --- Page 115 --- Black publics and peasant, freedom in Haiti, 1820-1843 95 that these groups were self-governing in SO far as they 'chose reported would elect its president, or a benefit associtheir foremen as a society as to make them work amongst ation its secretary or treasurer, not SO charged with themselves. but as their organ and their representative, with the keeping an eye on the interests of all, in their arrangements proprietor of the soil' (Barthélémy 1989: 40). workThese workers' associations rooted in the plantation forward to modern forms of collective work based gangs, but looking and use of the electoral process contained on equality, reciprocity The Haitian historian the seeds of popular political participation. militias of the Ardouin also linked the egalitarianism of revolutionary is self-formed rural But what is remarkable 1790s to the coopcratives: of election of all the offices necessary the introduction of the principle forming associations' in a rural farm, by the cultivators themselves at the local level, (cited in idem, 93-94). Peasant direct democracy ofthe revolutionthen. was founded on the republican egalitarianism period as a major and survived throughout the post-colonial ary period, Urban areas also had their own collecform of rural self-organization. harbour in 1840, the tive work structures. On landing at Port-au-Prince with James Hartwell found that 'the wharf was crowded missionary shouting and singing in chorus, who were engaged nearly naked blacks in landing merchandise". image of an unorganized mass of Contrary to the stereotyped labour and land-use characpeasants, then, various forms of collective Haiti. terized both urban and rural production in nineteenth-century associational The rural working class and small landholders practised served as combites (groups that worked land together, genres including societies', and in some cases elected leaders); compagnies 'friendly fraternities with eleborate symbolic systems of mem- (more organized originating out of African ethnic affilibership and office-holding, cultures of dance and drum); and ations and preserving particular which served as centres of community hounforts (the Vodou temples These sometimes clustered into regional networks). ritual and were in the south, were not lacking in politpeasant communities, especially their moral position and sense of injusical ideologies that expressed outlets for peasant political expression. tice. Yet, there were few public was a class of independent Important in peasant leadership and to make small loans peasants large enough to be self-supporting be excluded from the ruling to their neighbours, but small enough to self- (Nicholls 1996: 10). In spite of their revolutionary elite groups' slaves in Haiti still had to negotiate their freedom, liberation, former Fick argues that in post-independence like ex-slaves elsewhere. Haiti, , especially their moral position and sense of injusical ideologies that expressed outlets for peasant political expression. tice. Yet, there were few public was a class of independent Important in peasant leadership and to make small loans peasants large enough to be self-supporting be excluded from the ruling to their neighbours, but small enough to self- (Nicholls 1996: 10). In spite of their revolutionary elite groups' slaves in Haiti still had to negotiate their freedom, liberation, former Fick argues that in post-independence like ex-slaves elsewhere. Haiti, --- Page 116 --- 96 Democracy Afier Slavery the ex-slaves. popular protest may be seen as an attempt by for themselves possible, to define insofar as it was materially their own working condiand to control in some measure laborers for the fivetions. The demand on the part of some the the women's demand for equal pay: day work week; the sugar plantation - all were refusal of night work on will upon the restricattempts to impose their independent too far removed from tions of a system that did not seem slavery (Fick 1988: 268). settlein influencing these collective The state played a major part but also by the imposition of a ments, in part by land distribution, system of 'militarized agriculture'. had few freedoms slaves (known as 'cultivators") Former plantation The 1807 Law concerning the policing in the early days of the republic. between proprietors, farmers. of estates and the reciprocal obligations contract was made, a cultivator and cultivators' stipulated that once a to be settled in front of a could not leave his property. Disputes were and any cultivator who Justice of the Peace (invariably a landowner); would be tried for of any kind, by word or deed, provoked a 'movement' was needed from a planta- 'disturbing public order'. Written permission by military patrols). and tion manager to travel within a parish (checked were needed for travel between communes. and passports rural codes of Toussaint L'Ouverture King Like the earlier Code Rural provided for the protection Henry Christophe, Boyer's 1826 strict regime of rural police surand encouragement of agriculture' by a and trade. 7 Proclaiming agriveillance and regulation of work contracts of the state'. the culture to be the principal source of the prosperity (civil or ordered that all citizens who were not state employees Code in 'must and were not licensed to engage particular professions, military) it declared that agricultural cultivate the land".8 Most importantly. and go to the towns workers were not allowed to leave the countryside of the Peace, nor could their cities without authorization from a Judge or in the towns. Mobility was tightly restricted by a children be apprenticed of land was outlawed. The pass system, and cooperative ownership to the duties of the Rural Police, longest section ofthe Code pertained order in fieldwork, discimaintaining charged with arresting vagabonds. and oversight of road building. pline of work-gangs, James Franklin, reported that Gens The British businessman, aosent cultivators to d'Armes patrolled the rural districts and reported the local General: remain the Estate to which he is Every Cultivator must upon which last is the most attached. or upon his own property, be apprenticed of land was outlawed. The pass system, and cooperative ownership to the duties of the Rural Police, longest section ofthe Code pertained order in fieldwork, discimaintaining charged with arresting vagabonds. and oversight of road building. pline of work-gangs, James Franklin, reported that Gens The British businessman, aosent cultivators to d'Armes patrolled the rural districts and reported the local General: remain the Estate to which he is Every Cultivator must upon which last is the most attached. or upon his own property, --- Page 117 --- Black publics and peasant freedom in Haiti, 1820-1843 97 When the Cultivator is attached to an common system. for a time, if he does not Estate to work for wages specific work, he is confined by the Police in Jail, and is generally on the roads, and forfeit any pay sentenced to work public the public that may have been due him. When working upon is combecomes indolent, his exertion roads. if a Cultivator and sabres of the military guard, pelled by the bayonets work, the whip is never used, whose duty it is to make him them)." but the bayonet or sabre is used in its stead (to prick of'militarized agriculture' begun by Toussaint L'Ouverture, This system Pétion and Boyer, exemplifies what the but adopted by Presidents could enforce. The licensing and taxing Haitian elite wished the state urban and rural, were closely both wholesale and retail, of marketing, outlawed collective ownership of regulated. The Code specifically in sociétés' (Art. 30). farms and worker self-management seems to have had great difficulty Nevertheless. the government those relating to certain aspects of the Code, particularly in enforcing farmers and traders (includpeasant mobility. There were middle-level of personal who had a certain degree ing the female marchandes) channels of information and mobility and therefore access to more and urban working-class communication. If the rural debate inter-regional extent excluded from national political population were to some and restrictions life because of lack of education, illiteracy and public neither wholly isolated nor completely apaon mobility, they were in politics emerged as a thetic. The question of their participation Haiti. It also came to shape the central point of contention in Boyer's of the Liberal Revolution of retrospective interpretations of the events historians (who were also 1843 by Haiti's great nineteenth-century the lens of these debates we can begin to central participants). Through between an older generation of see the divergence in elite ideologies democratization. and conservative big landowners who opposed any Liberals. They (more urban, professional and dynamic) the younger and argued for a democratic opening (at least opposed President Boyer It was in the fracture in SO far as it would favour their own position). and small town black peasant between these two positions that a rural and artisan voice began to make itself heard. Peasant political agency depends not only on the The potential for peasant political relation agency to land and economic degree of peasant autonomy in an older generation of see the divergence in elite ideologies democratization. and conservative big landowners who opposed any Liberals. They (more urban, professional and dynamic) the younger and argued for a democratic opening (at least opposed President Boyer It was in the fracture in SO far as it would favour their own position). and small town black peasant between these two positions that a rural and artisan voice began to make itself heard. Peasant political agency depends not only on the The potential for peasant political relation agency to land and economic degree of peasant autonomy in --- Page 118 --- 98 Democracy After Slavery of the state-citizen tie, meaning the decisions, but also on the quality the state and the state could make ways citizens could make claimson can be measured in terms Peasant political agency claims on citizens. had into the political process and state of the degree of input ex-slaves reflected in the interplay of claim-making decision-making itself, as non-violent. From the perspective and state response, both violent and citizens could include commuofthe state, instruments for addressing proclamations. court nicative means such as constitutions. legislation, means like policing, addresses. or coercive rulings and presidential law. From the perspective of imprisonment, armed force and martial from violent riot. direct the citizen, repertoires of claim-making ranged meetings, petitioning and action and demonstration to holding public in Haiti (apart from voting. If there was great breadth of citizenship for the exercise whites), there was not a great deal of opportunity the in Haiti. Given the predominant role of military of citizenship. constricted. political space' was very following the death of When Jean-Pierre Boyer became president of the north, but also Pétion in 1818, he quickly won control not Domingo only in the east; the of the former Spanish colony of Santo in earnest.' 10 With the ongoing project of national unification began remained the most significant threat of French invasion, the military while the elected Chamber of branch of the executive government Consul Mackenzie described Deputies had little power. The British in which. though the the government as *a military elective monarchy. authority of the state is the whole of the efficient forms are republican, (Mackenzie [1830] 1970, 2: 105). wielded by the first magistrate' elements of duty. obedience and Citizenship was defined by the which far outweighed the obligation (what the citizen owed the state). its citizens. element of what the state owed to Boyer's rights-based issued "To the Army and the People'. proclamations were always Ordres du Jour': the national symbol often in the form of military liberty cap, surrounded with was a palm tree topped with a republican cannon. bayonets and miltary a bristling array of spear-tipped British banners. Consul noted, the constitution, drums (see Figure 4)." As the of and exists, is incompatible with the spirit republicanism. as it now number of reflecting people in Haiti' is SO considered by a large (Mackenzie 11830] 1970, 2: 105). 25,000 men in the army and By 1840. there were approximately almost one tenth of the another 40,000 in the national guard, equalling or more of the adult entire population. and perhaps close to one quarter the largest 12 Military spending was, not surprisingly, male population. (Schoelcher 1843: portion of public expenditure in Boyer's budgets also essentially their normal military duties. the army 278). Beyond people in Haiti' is SO considered by a large (Mackenzie 11830] 1970, 2: 105). 25,000 men in the army and By 1840. there were approximately almost one tenth of the another 40,000 in the national guard, equalling or more of the adult entire population. and perhaps close to one quarter the largest 12 Military spending was, not surprisingly, male population. (Schoelcher 1843: portion of public expenditure in Boyer's budgets also essentially their normal military duties. the army 278). Beyond --- Page 119 --- and freedon in Haiti, 1820-1843 99 Black publics peasant, A = - S WWW OMONE - FAIT LA TOBCEO Figure 5 National seal of the Republic of Haiti Each commune came under the functioned as the local government. Place and his troops who enforced the authority of a Commandant de offenders. with the help of *conlaw, checked passports and punished local landowners. A military seils de notables' and Juges de Paix',i.e. moulded the meaning and spirit pervaded the state, and irrevocably monarchy sustained by the practice of citizenship. In this 'republican it, both the morale and the Brown described bayonet', 2 as Jonathan consist in the military spirit materiel of the Haytien government [Itis] a nation of solembodied in the very minutest ofits organism.. and to consider which] every man is required to be a soldier diers.. .[in of his military chief than to himself more amenable to the commands [1837] 1972, 2: 259). the civil institutions of the government' (Brown Arms and land, these are As Boyer himself put it in a proclamation. and let us be warriors Imitate the people of antiquity, our strengths. time' (Linstant 1860, 3: 42-4). and cultivators at the same James Hartwell arrived in PortWhen the English missionary the odd state of affairs: au-Prince in 1840, he too reported on soldier at once took charge of us and conducted .[A] ragged commanding the "Place," a partly us first to the colonel uniform, and then to coloured man dressed in a respectable registered who after various enquiries the Police Magistrate and gave me a stamped permission me as an "Ecclesiastique" of the Republic for which I paid to reside within the territory a small fec.13 man called of a rural military guard as a Later, he described a member shoes or stockings, with a spur girt number, no Captain, no regimental of us and conducted .[A] ragged commanding the "Place," a partly us first to the colonel uniform, and then to coloured man dressed in a respectable registered who after various enquiries the Police Magistrate and gave me a stamped permission me as an "Ecclesiastique" of the Republic for which I paid to reside within the territory a small fec.13 man called of a rural military guard as a Later, he described a member shoes or stockings, with a spur girt number, no Captain, no regimental --- Page 120 --- 100 Democracy After Slavery tied round his waist with a piece of tailors on his naked ankle, a sword soldiers were ever present in list, and an old straw hat'. : These-ragged events ranging from the civil life. and were often involved in public in religious of proclamations. to marching reading. cheering or jeering them as 'a sort of African janizaries, processions." 14 Brown described measure, from the prohalf citizen and halfsoldier... Every municipal is to the beat of mulgation of a law down to a negro dance, performed and subservient to the military power. a drum. The civil is everywhere tribunals ofthe republic can only be the administration ofjustice in the chiefs of the army' (Brown [1837] performed at the pleasure of the 1972, 2: 266-67). factor in Haitian labour relations Coercion remained a significant of what kinds of coercion after emancipation, but it became a question of 'free' citizenship sanctioned. Would the rights would be politically In the long run. most Haitian peasants apply equally to all people? and avoid work on the big estates. As managed to get their own land had a well-known saying. historian recorded, the peasants one Haitian pieds moi'. meaning as the Vous signé non moi, mais vous pas signé can put my name on a on the words 'name' and "feet' imply, you play not stop me from going where I want (Ardouin contract, but you can and imprisonment were cruel. as 1860, 10: 23 n.1). But, rural policing Hartwell reported in his autobiography: in this country are in a sad state and the disciThe prisons and cruel. Some time after my visit we heard pline is severe firing in the time irregular musquetry for a considerable At we were horrified to learn direction of the prison. length and that all that the prisoners had risen against their keepers. of seventeen men had been firing this time the prison guard group in the large from the walls upon the promiscuous did not tranThe number of killed and wounded courtyard. and little notice was taken of the spire (to my knowledge) of bloodshed and are affair. The people seem used to scenes reckless of human life. 15 very from arbitrary state violence. political opposition Without protection The difference between Haiti curtailed in Haiti. greatest was extremely was the extent to which the government (or and Jamaica in this regard force not only against the rural its agents) was willing to use armed On numerous occapopulation, but also against opposition politicians. Haitian National Guards sions, as we shall see in the next chapter, the them from the Chamber or to keep were called on to expel deputies direct coercion of opposition politifrom entering. The only time such . 15 very from arbitrary state violence. political opposition Without protection The difference between Haiti curtailed in Haiti. greatest was extremely was the extent to which the government (or and Jamaica in this regard force not only against the rural its agents) was willing to use armed On numerous occapopulation, but also against opposition politicians. Haitian National Guards sions, as we shall see in the next chapter, the them from the Chamber or to keep were called on to expel deputies direct coercion of opposition politifrom entering. The only time such --- Page 121 --- Black publics and peasant freedom in Haiti, 1820-1843 101 occurred in Jamaica was during the martial law which followed cians the Morant Bay Rebellion. authoritariThe importance of public opinion as a weapon against works proits thematization in the historical anism is exemplified by historians of the period, Beaubrun duced by the two great Haitian who were and Thomas Madiou (1814-1884), Ardouin (1796-1865) and newspaper publication. As deeply involved in national politics Bellegarde-Smith explains of these two writers, as well as historians. They were also [they] were diplomats their historical works powerful figures in Haitian politics; yet public as to addressed themselves as much to a foreign for Haitians. Their histories and memoirs express concern national unity and a quest for societal development as gener- these ally understood in the nineteenth century. Furthermore, outside Haiti historians also hoped to address race prejudice of the kind and by showing the world that Haiti was capable demonlevel of intellectual achievement they themselves strated (Bellegarde-Smith 1980: 23). for Boyer, but reserves some critiArdouin is considered an apologist of affairs. He served as a senator and cism for the president's handling presidency, and also edited was president of the senate during Boyer's Madiou was aligned more newspaper, Le Temps. a pro-government became a chronicler of the rise to power of the with the opposition. He later served in the government of Emperor anti-Boyeriste faction and by others, docuFaustin Soulouque. These two sources, augmented of publics in Haiti, ment the formation, suppression and fragmentation texts recording the and reproduce a range of contemporary public of collective narlanguage, genres of expression and framing political ratives of the various factions. histories of Haiti are themIndeed, their respective many-volume efforts to shape the story and records of competing selves products influence its trajectory into the future. As of the Haitian nation and works laid the foundations for an ongoing Nicholls argues, these major 'noiriste' historiography of Haiti, rivalry between a mulatriste' and (Nicholls 1974, 1996). What cach with their own heroes and villains was a version of Haitian Nicholls calls the 'mulatto legend of the past' under the leadership that aimed 'to encourage Haitians to unite the history civilised and technically qualified group in of the most patriotic, in the social and econcountry, to legitimate the mulatto ascendancy and control develficld, and to lend weight to their claim to guide omic (Nicholls 1996: 91-2). Conservative opments in the political sphere' (Nicholls 1974, 1996). What cach with their own heroes and villains was a version of Haitian Nicholls calls the 'mulatto legend of the past' under the leadership that aimed 'to encourage Haitians to unite the history civilised and technically qualified group in of the most patriotic, in the social and econcountry, to legitimate the mulatto ascendancy and control develficld, and to lend weight to their claim to guide omic (Nicholls 1996: 91-2). Conservative opments in the political sphere' --- Page 122 --- 102 Democracy After Slavery version of democracy that has been clites elaborated a particular They 'portrayed the identified in other instances of statist autoeracy. in which competintegrated community nation-state as a harmonious, and smoothed away by enlighting class interests could be reconciled interests of the society at heart' ened elders ruling with the best 1998). (Andrews and Chapman 1995: 20; cf. Paige the people to children in In Haiti, this took the form of comparing their wise elders. The 'enlightened' leadership by order to justify ofinterest between classes or colours, ruling elite denied any conflict were not "ready' to govern themeven as they argued that the people Peru. cf. Mallon 1995: 217). Ardouin selves (for a similar discourse in for full democracy. and like suggested that Haitians were not ready given greater rights: children had to be tutored in politics and gradually oligarchy. who ideology of the mulatto this was the conservative and *qualified". i.e. by the most 'competent' favoured government 1996: 87-107). In Le Temps. this argument was themselves (Nicholls through adolescence in 1842: "The boy passes made very explicitly must not make haste before arriving at virility.. A young suffice people.. for such a people. having more than it should.. It does not could for themcertain institutions that old nations procure that adopted of centuries. to then believe they selves only over the succession right away'. 16 This produced an are in a state to put them into practice Le Patriote: angry retort from an opposition paper, the Haitian Nation to an infant, barely out of You compare that he defend himself from the diapers: you recommend of adolescence: 'do not make presumption and illusions should." And when, then. will weleave haste more than you not see that the child has this infancy? What! Do you the that he become a man? ...Do you not think. to contrary. hour of should regret his youth. passed in inaction? [T]he his manhood has sounded.' 17 versions of Haitian history that These elite debates and the competing however. Their silences and they supported are not the end of the story, indictments. contradictions regarding popular participation are telling and the liberal ideologies. we catch Beneath both the conservative vision of popular glimpses of a more egalitarian and participatory democracy beneath counter-discourse of popular democracy. a strong the hegemonic story. movements in As subsequent chapters will show, democratization social bases, aims and Haiti and Jamaica had surprisingly similar to make public where they differ was in their capacity grievances; would respond in a non-violent way. claims to which the government the end of the story, indictments. contradictions regarding popular participation are telling and the liberal ideologies. we catch Beneath both the conservative vision of popular glimpses of a more egalitarian and participatory democracy beneath counter-discourse of popular democracy. a strong the hegemonic story. movements in As subsequent chapters will show, democratization social bases, aims and Haiti and Jamaica had surprisingly similar to make public where they differ was in their capacity grievances; would respond in a non-violent way. claims to which the government --- Page 123 --- Black publics and peasant. freedom in Haiti, 1820-1843 103 paid to military rank' in Haiti, and despite With the *universal respect few modes of republicanism. the state developed its constitutional thin, and citiaddressing citizens as such. The state was institutionally or the mass, simply 'the people' zens remained an undifferentiated of citizens and reprearmy'. We find few interactions between groups executive sentatives of the state. The main archival records are procla- to mations that address the entire people, rather than responding found in Jamaica. And there were no apparent specific claimants, as is could address claims or grievances to channels through which citizens could lead to charges of sedition. the state; petitions were rare, and being 'ready' for democThere was no question of the Haitian people and its formulae All the principles of democracy were understood racy. etc. were all known, if only partly of elections, a free press, petitioning, the pcople was blocked on every practised. Yet, full participation by claimed to the black front. Contention was pitting those who represent and defensive mulatto-dominated. aging masses against a conservative, elites debated the merits of democagrarian elite. As these competing for themselves, they also created opportunities ratization among black to take up their own part in excluded segments of the population were already holding Few had noticed that peasants these discussions. elections in their rural settings. political mectings and practising Peasant civil agency was not simply about escaping the plantation Liberation from slavery concerned civil rights such as the freelabour regime; it also crucially to education. It is at this point doms of speech, of religion and access or between state and that the bifurcation between state and nation', becomes fundamenobserved Trouillot and others civil society, as by excluded from civic tal. How is it that the peasantry was SO thoroughly societies, education is In most post-slavery and political participation? because its denial was one of of peasant civil agency a key component of the system of slavery. Here nineteenththe central deprivations Because there were few priests or century Haiti had a poor record. The continuing lack of schools missionaries, there were few schools. criticism and local grievance in became a major source of both foreign nineteenth-century Haiti. that the slave might rulers, it seemed impossible To European of slavery without schooling; at the advance out of the degradation Bible was thought to be necessary to very least, capacity to read the National in Port-audevelopment. Although there was a Lycée whom moral echelons of the elite, many of Prince, it served only the upper or century Haiti had a poor record. The continuing lack of schools missionaries, there were few schools. criticism and local grievance in became a major source of both foreign nineteenth-century Haiti. that the slave might rulers, it seemed impossible To European of slavery without schooling; at the advance out of the degradation Bible was thought to be necessary to very least, capacity to read the National in Port-audevelopment. Although there was a Lycée whom moral echelons of the elite, many of Prince, it served only the upper --- Page 124 --- 104 Democracy Afier Slavery had also founded continued their schooling in France (Christophe in the century). The number of clite schools in Cap-Henry carly elite a was neglected even among the education of girls, in particular, clergy had largely been expelled institutions (Bonneau 1862). Catholic found private schools were during the revolution. attempts to or fled few Protestant missionaries in the discouraged and there were very It was not until 1860 that (Griffiths 1991; Stanley 1992). allowing country signed a concordat with the Vatican, President Geffrard (Nicholls 1996: 117). One of the key French priests to return to Haiti liberal Constitution of 1843 was elements of reform proposed in the the introduction of public schooling. how could the people participate in Many elite observers asked, and write? And how could general public debate if they could not read if the government only repreinterests be represented in government abolitionist Victor Schoelcher sented a tiny educated elite? The French education to the government's attributed the failure to institute public When political debate and public opinion: desire to suppress political it renders impossible the formation education also becomes impossible, autocrat does not ignore that the people of public opinion. The Haitian and he stifles the press, because from civilize themselves by the press, he will no longer be able to rule the moment his people are instructed, 1843: 323). The Methodist over them despotically in peace' (Schoelcher much of his book. The Black Man; or Missionary Mark Bird dedicated that education had never Haytian Independence (1869), to the argument the advancement of the been raised to its proper level in Haiti, harming He asked, black race in independence and self-government. community in a [w]hat shall we say when an enlightened at its head. for more nation with an enlightened government of their brethren to than sixty years suffer the great masses as those Under such free institutions remain in ignorance?.. fact of human equality must oftrue republicanism. the great oftwo-thirds not be made an absurdity by the utter inability of the citizens to be Republicans (Bird 1869: 220). those who harped on education were the same people Yet, many of children, still incapable of selfwho saw the Haitian people as young them for citizenship? How long would it take to educate the governance. blamed President Boyer for failing to prepare people Madiou had known only the Because the masses traditionally for citizenship. chef", he argued, it was the president's obligaleadership of a premier the of their social and politthem toward practice tion 'to lightly guide knowledge of religion, ical obligations. by giving them a rudimentary at least exercise writing and mathematics, SO that they may reading, , still incapable of selfwho saw the Haitian people as young them for citizenship? How long would it take to educate the governance. blamed President Boyer for failing to prepare people Madiou had known only the Because the masses traditionally for citizenship. chef", he argued, it was the president's obligaleadership of a premier the of their social and politthem toward practice tion 'to lightly guide knowledge of religion, ical obligations. by giving them a rudimentary at least exercise writing and mathematics, SO that they may reading, --- Page 125 --- Black publics and peasant, freedom in Haiti, 1820-1843 105 of and above all to inculcate in them the their rights citizenship, which alone can extinguish those of dogmas of Christian religion had not Vodou' (Madiou 1988, 7: 110). Yet, from 1820 to 1832, Boyer done this, nor had he trained the peasantry in agricultural improve- ancien had changed, lamented Madiou, since the ments. Nothing centuries of servitude had formed nothing but asses who regime: 'three who had all the vices that their were the masters, and the oppressed and the mute and condition entailed: the deceit, the dissimulation, his hatred which were the only arms of the slave against implacable "systematically undermine[d] the oppressor". As political opposition agitations in the masses, government', it was simply causing grave which one who had not been prepared for the great democratic system wanted to bring to the country' (Madiou 1988, 7: 110). in More radical thinkers, however, saw immediate participation claims that the direct democracy as the best route to civic education; domination. people were not ready simply served to legitimate interests mulatto of the black Despite the claims of the elite to represent the tensions of class and colour were undermining the republican majority, andfraternité for black and brown alike. As dream of liberté, égalité Brown wrote in 1837, the prejudice the American observer Jonathan mulattoes in relation to their fellowof color existing among the as that once entertained by the citizens, the blacks, is almost as great (Brown [1837] whites of the colony against the class of mulattoes' and Schoelcher was critical of mulatto rule accused 1972: 283). claiming noirand mulâtre Haitian intellectuals of falisfying history by "The of were one and the same. He wrote in 1842, aristocracy interests itself on the debris of that of the white skin.. the light skin raises and sincere, have avowed to us that Some young people of color, good functionally and organically in conscience they believe themselves He (Schoelcher 1843: 236-37). prophetically superior to the negroes' jaunes did not hand over the warned of revolution if light-skinned the normal of reins of power to a black man: So long as black government of the majority, that is to say a government, Haiti, a government will live a precarious existence, false, is not established, the republic and all changes miserable, and secretly inquiet. Let a negro appear direction' (Schoelcher 1843: 241). of would also be a key In addition to education, freedom religion societies. Religious autoncomponent of civil rights in all post-slavery for through reliof peasant civil agency, omy is a major component also rebuilt community life and created gious institutions, ex-slaves Yet, even in Haiti, despite its revolunew modes of civil participation. of the rebel slave, the tion and the powerful political symbolism during the regime African religion of Vodou was not tolerated (except quiet. Let a negro appear direction' (Schoelcher 1843: 241). of would also be a key In addition to education, freedom religion societies. Religious autoncomponent of civil rights in all post-slavery for through reliof peasant civil agency, omy is a major component also rebuilt community life and created gious institutions, ex-slaves Yet, even in Haiti, despite its revolunew modes of civil participation. of the rebel slave, the tion and the powerful political symbolism during the regime African religion of Vodou was not tolerated (except --- Page 126 --- 106 Democracy, Afler Slavery of Emperor Soulouque). 18 Unlike the Vodou was persecuted by successive Haitian 'enlightened" Masonic Order, its symbolic associations with African governments because of Europeans. Despite religious tolerance in "primitivism', as defined by Haiti, Vodou was outlawed and forced into the early constitutions of houngans may in fact have been hiding. The persecution of the rural black one of the causes of dissent among population, although after years of French they were quite adept at secret worship. persecution, Nevertheless, popular political culture grew from institutional bases with their own community Masonic Order was an important participatory styles. Just as the of elite semi-public locale for the citizenship after slavery, in rural areas, Vodou emergence similar role in building local institutions for temples played a community-building. The extended popular participation and serve the Iwas', spiritual *families' of those who organized around the démembre family), the hounfort (the temple), and in some (the extended more extensive cases even comprising compagnies (or religious backbone of peasant associational fraternities), became the 1990; Laguerre 1989; Métraux networks (Hurbon 1995: Hurston in the Haitian 1960, 1972). As Serge Larose observes, countryside, 'ritual has not only a among the deprived, it is also the cultural psychological function social relations of material through which the family of the main production are expressed: it relates to the control by Thus, it economic resource, land' (Larose 1975: provided a fabric oflocal ties and 511). had an overlay of spiritual, familial, significant relationships that cal meanings. economic. recreational and politiAlthough the practice of Vodou such as family gatherings, public involved some public elements and pilgrimages, it was processions, crossroads ceremonies because of largely a religion of secrecy and years of persecution (Smucker 1984; hidden ritual the few forms of popular collective Hurbon 1995). One of religious rituals. Catholic presence in public space was during occasions for public rituals, religious but ceremonies were one of the main rooted meanings. Protestant would have had underlying Africanmissionaries the Catholic population, lamented the 'superstitions" of bled by rituals including the priests. but were particularly troudead, with the surrounding death, including nine nights of for body laid out in the house, prayer the visitors. 19 They also noted an event surrounded by laughing. merry Service des Morts, in which the following All Saints Day. known as libera on the tombs of those whose priest went to the cemetery and sang a for the dead was in fact relatives paid him a dollar. The mass 'death is closely tied to the practice of an event that strikes foremost Vodou, in which family and community, rather at the social fabric, that is, the than the deceased individual" (Hurbon house, prayer the visitors. 19 They also noted an event surrounded by laughing. merry Service des Morts, in which the following All Saints Day. known as libera on the tombs of those whose priest went to the cemetery and sang a for the dead was in fact relatives paid him a dollar. The mass 'death is closely tied to the practice of an event that strikes foremost Vodou, in which family and community, rather at the social fabric, that is, the than the deceased individual" (Hurbon --- Page 127 --- Black publics and peasant, freedom in Haiti, 1820-1843 107 Public Catholic rituals would certainly have been preceded 1995: 86). communal rituals of African origin that had been pracand followed by tised from the days of slavery onward. association, some There were still other more open forms of popular One of the most of which may have had links to particular cult centres. Haiti were the visible forms of popular association in nineteenth-century more which took part in the annual Carnival; these played 'compagnics' festive role for also embodied symbols of African ethnicity than a they Schoelcher, the compagnies seem to and leadership. As described by and to have have first been organized along lines of African ethnicity, kept alive musical and costume traditions from Africa: of the members of these companies had a rather origiMany entirely composed of cighty to a hundred pieces nal costume, and covering the body, the of madras attached by a point has its name, its flag and a arms and the legs. Each company crown and he is king. This king wears a feathered turban as a cloak of dressed in a rich costume over which is thrown a It satin embroidered all over with gold and silver sequins. that the dance and the group alike are souvenirs of seems Most of the companies are even composed of Africa. exclusively from such and such nation Negroes descending of having nothing but pure of Africa and they are proud mixture! African blood in their veins, without any (Schoelcher 1843: 299). reunion, however, was tied to What Schoelcher saw as a quaint peasant and of association, economic cooperation deeper structures peasant whose African ethnic-overtones were political mobilization, structures dominant order. The surindicative of a challenge to the Europeanized enables us to use vival of these companies into the twentieth century some of their other ethnographic evidence to reconstruct (cautiously) functions. research has shown that carnival compagnies Twentieth-century other local forms of association and community were closely tied to life, the American anthroorganization. In his study of Haitian peasant labour, Harold Courlander refers to forms of cooperative of pologist These were invitational rounds known in Haiti as 'coumbites'. of the drums were central to shared labour in which the 'rappels' of the pcople' setting the work pace and serving as the newspapers 1971). But, there also (Courlander 1960: 116; cf. Herskovitz [1937] knit form of coumbite, known as a société. existed fa more tightly between the Rara bands of the sociétés and There are close parallels described by Schoelcher: the compagnies forms of cooperative of pologist These were invitational rounds known in Haiti as 'coumbites'. of the drums were central to shared labour in which the 'rappels' of the pcople' setting the work pace and serving as the newspapers 1971). But, there also (Courlander 1960: 116; cf. Herskovitz [1937] knit form of coumbite, known as a société. existed fa more tightly between the Rara bands of the sociétés and There are close parallels described by Schoelcher: the compagnies --- Page 128 --- 108 Democracy After Slavery These sociétés are clubs built around mutual work needs recreational activities. The Société Congo that and towns or city streets during Rara days with bamboo appears in the shell trumpets, drums, flags, and masks, is or conchthe men who have joined forces to till usually the composed of instances, it may also conform fields. In some ticular roughly to membership in a hounfor, or cult center. Unlike the parthe société is not a group which meets ordinary coumbite, or harvesting time; it is a only at ground-breaking sometimes permanent organization with regular, day-to-day obligations. Week after from one man's land to another, week it moves done.. Coumbites doing the tasks that have to be are held not only for for housebuilding, and sometimes for the agricultural work, but (Courlander 1960: 118). building of a hounfor These clubs in effect combined labour gations and social welfare cooperatives. religious congreCourlander also notes that organizations or friendly societies. tasks such as winnowing, women formed their own coumbites for able that the organized coffee sorting. and weeding. It seems probthese multiple functions 'compagnies" described by Schoelcher served drums and the lambi, as well. The musical instruments or conch-shell trumpet, such as municational media in rural areas, where were also important comto call meetings, gather coumbites they were (and still are) used Other and sometimes to send messages. cthnographers have argued that facilitate social cohesion by establishing 'numerous institutions peasants' including the coumbite periodic contacts between the neighbours invited to work one (Romain 1974: 63). Not only are and (female) family's land together, but a president" direction of presidente' are selected, an orchestra is formed a "reine-chanterelle', under the women prepare and cook food for the day-care is organized for children, called on to keep away the rain. As entire group and the houngan is system "originally put in place by Jacques Romain points out, this since a certain period evolved private and familial intitiative, has such as the Société towards the form of constituted societies, Souvenance, Société There may even be delegates Congo. and Société Real'. exchanged cases regional confederations. between societies. and in some importantly, The rules of these societies', "adapted to local most assembly vote. Each member particularities, are the object of a plenary his point of view, which reserved the right to submit and a majority can discuss 1974: 65-6). Although these freely adopt or reject' are modern (Romain societies certainly date back to the descriptions, the forms of such kind of participatory democracy nineteenth century, and indicate a peasantry, with the potential for practised at the local level among the articulation with the national level. of these societies', "adapted to local most assembly vote. Each member particularities, are the object of a plenary his point of view, which reserved the right to submit and a majority can discuss 1974: 65-6). Although these freely adopt or reject' are modern (Romain societies certainly date back to the descriptions, the forms of such kind of participatory democracy nineteenth century, and indicate a peasantry, with the potential for practised at the local level among the articulation with the national level. --- Page 129 --- Black publics and peasant freedom in Haiti, 1820-1843 109 Elite Haitians who had been educated in France and been to French socialist debates about worker exposed have associationalism may well seen parallels in the African associational practices of the Haitian peasantry. In parallel fashion to the synergies that propelled the Saint Domingue Revolution, the radicalism of European democratic ideologics such as socialism and Chartism in the 1830s and 1840s would take on new resonance in the plantation societies of the Americas. Bourgeois democratic ideologies converged not SO much with the artisanal socialism of shoemakers, coopers and printers, as in but with the African-rooted associationalism of Europe, post-slavery reconstituted peasantries. In the next chapter, we will see how these indigenous ideologies sprang forth from the fertile Haitian soil, and took on their own revolutionary aspect. Notes Reconstituted peasants are slaves, indentees, maroons and other became peasants 'directly as a mode of resistance and response to runaways the who system and its imposed patterns of life'; thus, their very existence attests plantation to both agency and autonomy (David Watts, The West Indies: Patterns Cnlture and Environmental Change Since 1492 of Development, [Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990], p. 506). 2 The lakou (from French, la cour) is 'a group of interrelated conjugal families, each occupying its own dwelling-unit, and sharing a common yard' (Serge Larose, "The Haitian Lakou: land, family, ritual', in Family and Kinship in Middle America and the Caribbean, ed. Arnaud Marks and Rene Romer [Curacao: of Netherlands Antilles. 1975], p. 482). This household unit is traditionally University chal, and may be polygynous. The family itselfis a 'cognatic descent patriarpying or originating from a clearly defined of land'. group occuofrelatives. piece - not an ego-oriented set 3 Forinsight into the Kingdom of Haiti, see King Henry's correspondence with the British abolitionist Thomas Clarkson, in Henry Christophe and Thomas A Correspondence, ed. Earl Griggs and Clifford Prator (N.Y.: Clarkson, 4 One carreaux equals 1.29 hectares, or 3.33 U.S. acres (Mintz, Greenwood, 1968). 'Employment of Capital by Market Women', p. 257). Although the total distribution of land is diffieult to estimate. one Haitian scholar wrote in 1888 that 76,000 carreaux had been distributed among 2322 civil and military officers, while approximately 6000 common soldiers recieved grants of 5 carreaux each from 1809 to 1825 (Robert K. Lacerte, The First Land Reform in Latin America: The Reforms of Alexander Pétion, 1809-1814',in Inter-American Economic Affairs [1975], 28: 4: 77-85). 5 Larose, The Haitian Lakou' 2 pp.40, 44. 6 'Loi concernant la police des habitations, les obligations réciproques des propriétaires et fermiers, et des cultivateurs," 20 avril 1807, an IV, Art. 2. in Linstant, Réceuil général des Lois, 1851. Vol. 1, pp. 307-15. 7 AN CC9a.54, Code Rural d'Haiti, 1826. 8 Ibid. 9 FO 35/1. General Correspondence, Memorandum of Information from James Franklin re Haiti, enclosed in Wilmot Horton to Lord Canning, 14 Oct. 1826. habitations, les obligations réciproques des propriétaires et fermiers, et des cultivateurs," 20 avril 1807, an IV, Art. 2. in Linstant, Réceuil général des Lois, 1851. Vol. 1, pp. 307-15. 7 AN CC9a.54, Code Rural d'Haiti, 1826. 8 Ibid. 9 FO 35/1. General Correspondence, Memorandum of Information from James Franklin re Haiti, enclosed in Wilmot Horton to Lord Canning, 14 Oct. 1826. --- Page 130 --- 110 Democracy Afier Slavery of Santo Domingo was ceded to France in the Treaty of Basel 10 The Spanish colony claimed Toussaint L'Ouverture. but not conof 1795, and on that basis was by Goman, but trolled. Boyer also faced an uprisinfg in Grande Ansc in 1819. led by managed to put it down; nevertheless, this remote south-western region remained difficult to control from Port-au-Prince. I1 The red 'Phrygian bonnet' was the "headgear traditionally worn by emancipated and the French Jacobins during the revoluslaves in classical Rome', 1 adopted by where it tion; thus. it had a double significance in Haiti and other French colonies, meant both liberty for the republic and liberty for the slave (Richard D. E. Burton, -Maman-France Doudou": Family Images in French West Indian Colonial Discourse', in Diacritics 11993] 23: 3: 71). 12 The French Consul cites sources giving these figures for men under arms,i in a population of half a million in the 1830s (plus 200,000 Dominicans), of which three be ratio due to high male mortalfifths were thought to women (a gender probably ity during the years of revolutionary and civil war. higher male infant mortality, and longer female life expectancy) (Gustave d'Alaux [Maxime Reybaud), 'La République dominicaine et l'empereur Soulouque , detached from Révue des deux mondes [15 Apr.: 1 May 1851).p. 195). 13 WMMS, Special Series, Biographical, West Indies. Box 588, Autobiography of James Hartwell, 1817-1902, pp. 40. 133. the celebration of the Fête Dieu (or Corpus 14 Hartwell, for example, describes Christi) as a combined ecclesiastic, military and civil event (ibid. p. 72). 15 16 lbid. Le Temps, no. 1, 10 Feb. 1842, cited in Jean Desquiron, Haiti à la Une: Une anthologie de la presse haîtienne de 1724 à 1934. (Port-au-Prince. 1993). Vol. 1. 191-92 (my translation). On colonial discourses of 'legitimate rulers' and pp. of in 'childlike subjects', see also Chandra T. Mohanty. "Cartographies Struggle" Third World Women and tle Politics ofFeminism. ed. C. Mohanty. A. Russo. and L. Torres (Bloomington: Indiana UP, 1991).p. 17. 17 Le Patriote, Vol. 1, no. 1, 2 Mar. 1842, cited in Desquiron, Haiti à la Une. p. 199. 18 Edward Bean Underhill. who visited Haiti in 1860. reported that *the people are professedly Roman Catholics; but there are mixed with the rights ofCatholicism many practices derived from the native superstitions of Africa. Obeahism, Mialism, and snake-worship [sic] are much followed by the ignorant and superstitious people of the plains and mountains. During the reign of the Emperor Soulouque, the Vaudoux, as these people are called, wcre much encouraged. The palace ofthe black monarch may be said to have been the centre ofthese degrading rights, the Emperor and empress themselves being reputed to have held the position of chief priest and priestess among their Vaudoux subjects'. (BMS. The Baptist Magazine, Vol. 52, (London: J. Heaton & Son, 1860]. enclosing 'Report on the Mission in Haiti by E. B. Underhill, p. 801). 19 WMMS, West Indies Correspondence, Haiti, Box 206. , as these people are called, wcre much encouraged. The palace ofthe black monarch may be said to have been the centre ofthese degrading rights, the Emperor and empress themselves being reputed to have held the position of chief priest and priestess among their Vaudoux subjects'. (BMS. The Baptist Magazine, Vol. 52, (London: J. Heaton & Son, 1860]. enclosing 'Report on the Mission in Haiti by E. B. Underhill, p. 801). 19 WMMS, West Indies Correspondence, Haiti, Box 206. --- Page 131 --- The army of sufferers: Liberal from Revolution to Piquet Rebellion The Liberal Revolution of 1843, Pierre Boyer's faltering which overthrew President Jeandemocratization, yet it regime, was a crucial moment of potential government. The transition ultimately failed to consolidate a democratic rebellion in the south, instead led to black protest and of the Dominican military coups in the north, and the peasant Haiti's 1 Republic in the east, reclaiming break-away territory. During the nearly two-thirds of popular movement emerged revolutionary situation of 1843-44, a They called themselves calling for black civil and the political as the Piquets because of the Army of Sufferers' and were later known rights. The events of this period have sharpened pikes they carried as between black and mulatto often been portrayed as a weapons. struggle however, I will argue that this factions, which to some extent they were; ical issues that were at stake, interpretation overlooks additional polittaryand civil power. including a crucial contest between miliPiquet Movement Although there is meagre primary evidence theoretical (and no single secondary study of the on the and framework throws new light on the rebellion), my claim-making strategies of the Piquets.2 organizational forms My argument is that the of Haiti is neither wholly post-independence political caudillismo, but forms anomalous nor reducible to Latin development tion to slave part of a wider pattern of American emancipation that occurred anti-democratic reacthe Americas. The original in many post-slavery states of premises of the Haitian Revolution anti-slavery, anti-colonial and egalitarian crushed. Yet, peasant democratic did not simply die out, but were vision of liberty, fraternity and republicanism lived on in a popular Rebellion and other instances of equality, expressed through the Piquet civil, political and social rights of popular mobilization in defense of the vision of democratization democratic citizenship. The of 1843-44 built expressed during the popular on the Haitian revolutionary situation political and civil agency. It was peasantry's struggle for economic, precisely the threat of this powerful --- Page 132 --- 112 Democracy After Slavery action it elicited that led the liberal discourse and the collective back into their pact with the agrarianfaction of the elite to retreat suggests). In spite of their demomilitary planters (as Paige's arralysis for real democracy. cratic rhetoric, liberals were not prepared for land redistribution and by radical calls especially if accompanied political enfranchisement. of civil society in Haiti and The chapter begins with the growth contexts for an eliteof ideological and institutional on the emergence in opposition to Boyer. It then focuses popular democratic alliance situation of 1843-44. mainly played three phases of the revolutionary around the major coffeeout in the southern department First. (especially there was the Liberal Revolution export region of Aux Cayes). of democratic efferveswhich ousted Boyer and led to a moment itself, outcomes. Then, a revolution occurred cence, with many possible influential black landholding within the revolution, when a locally and coffee growers of the family mobilized the smaller landholders of the liberal elite region to challenge the racial inequality Aux Cayes of the skin'. democratic alliance situation of 1843-44. mainly played three phases of the revolutionary around the major coffeeout in the southern department First. (especially there was the Liberal Revolution export region of Aux Cayes). of democratic efferveswhich ousted Boyer and led to a moment itself, outcomes. Then, a revolution occurred cence, with many possible influential black landholding within the revolution, when a locally and coffee growers of the family mobilized the smaller landholders of the liberal elite region to challenge the racial inequality Aux Cayes of the skin'. Finally. in the third phase. a and its continuing *aristocracy named Acaau emerged in a religiouscharismatic peasant leader and cultivators seized political movement in which armed peasants reform, land reform and the and demanded economic the initiative, rights as Haitian citizens. protection of their constitutional and opposition to Boyer The press, public opinion between citizens and the state, With few channels of communication life in Boyer's Haiti with a stifled press and a tight knit elite, political elected Chamber of circumscribed. Despite having an was extremely in the hands of the executive. Deputies, power was concentrated leadership was contested by Throughout the 1830s, however, Boyer's who their own litvocal group of young men published an increasingly advocated social and political reform erary journals and newspapers. of the black majority. Madiou and depicted themselves as champions of a new, youthful civil describes in glowing terms the emergence of the 1830s, among whom he society among the educated elite himself could be counted: the youth were avid to acquire knowledge: they In general. circles where those who felt themselves formed little literary faculties toward the study of history, carried by their natural their productions economics. their own litvocal group of young men published an increasingly advocated social and political reform erary journals and newspapers. of the black majority. Madiou and depicted themselves as champions of a new, youthful civil describes in glowing terms the emergence of the 1830s, among whom he society among the educated elite himself could be counted: the youth were avid to acquire knowledge: they In general. circles where those who felt themselves formed little literary faculties toward the study of history, carried by their natural their productions economics. or poetry, communicated members of the bar were truly amongst themselves. Many --- Page 133 --- Liberal Revolution to Piquet Rebellion 113 The amy-ofsaferencprom eminent men. For the first time, journals were created uniquely for the purpose of public utility. A society began to felt well-off from all the work form itself and every family 1988, 7: 169). created following the long peace (Madiou describe the balls. cavalcades and 'barbacos' He went on to frequent by the youth of the capital city. As this younger generation, enjoyed revolution and well educated. began to exercise their born after the instituinfluence, they found Haiti's supposedly republican political to be. New stories were framed tions were not all they were held up what it meant to be 'noir', and about what it meant to be a Haitian, what it meant to be a citizen. of and the formation Most significantly, the whole issue publicity form of governand expression of public opinion under a republican like Emile Nau, became central issues of debate. Young men ment began to openly criticize the David St. Preux and Dumai Lespinasse and ran for public office, government. They published newspapers, centred in the lower house ofthe pressing for reform. This opposition itself as liberal and nationalNicholls, 'regarded legislature'. 2 observes liberty of speech within the country, for ist, arguing for a greater and for the development of a increased protection for local industry, were central national culture' (Nicholls 1996: 74). Newspapers truly liberal culture, and in this struggle to shape a more political weapons over the limits of freedom of speech and within them a war was waged observed, quoting the power of public opinion. As one paper which can come to Tocqueville, 'there is nothing except a newspaper moment. in a thousand minds at the same deposit the same thought to the extent that men are Newspapers thus become more necessary that can make do There is no democratic association more equal.. First, I will consider the emergence of this without a newspaper'3 attempts to suppress it. oppositional public and Boyer's began with the The first significant struggle over publicity editor, Felix Darfour affair' of 1822, when a controversial newspaper the to the Chambre des Communes; Darfour, tried to present a petition set the tone for subsequent battles government's authoritarian response attention with a newspaover civil liberties. Darfour first caught public for Haiti in 1818. In debate over the concept of an African identity per le Parfait Patriote, he proclaimed that prejuL'Eclaireur Haytien ou but politics', in SO the black race was founded on nothing dice against trade that these men justified the slave by pretending far as Europeans their He challenged pseudowere of an inferior nature to own'. of skulls and facial angles, scientific racism including measurement of both 'noirs' and "hommes de and supported the intellectual ability civil liberties. Darfour first caught public for Haiti in 1818. In debate over the concept of an African identity per le Parfait Patriote, he proclaimed that prejuL'Eclaireur Haytien ou but politics', in SO the black race was founded on nothing dice against trade that these men justified the slave by pretending far as Europeans their He challenged pseudowere of an inferior nature to own'. of skulls and facial angles, scientific racism including measurement of both 'noirs' and "hommes de and supported the intellectual ability --- Page 134 --- 114 Democracy After Slavery Africain' after his name on couleur': hc went SO far as to add the title His rival in political debate, of three issues of his paper. the masthead Haytienne. challenged Darfour's J. S. Milscent. editor of L'Abeille assertion of race, arguing instead: it that my colour is somber; For a long time I have forgotten idcas in order and suffices mc to sense that I can put my it does not seem fitting combat the quibbles of our detractors; recalls the difference which to me to adopt a denomination of my skin. I am a Citizen of Haiti.s Darfour, the "Perfect criticized the adoption of the title "African' by of He this is because 'there are but a couple Patriot', asking whether for the first time, oris he waiting for the months since he saw Hayti (i.e. in Creole). Darfour accepted year: and day for writing in Haytian?" African, but was now identified as this point, and dropped the title the government. someone who stirred up black unrest against was born in Africa but Darfour (who According to Schoelcher, awaken his brothers; he wrote, he raised in Europe) wanted 'to try to he agitated and moved their published newspapers and pamphlets; addressed to the and finished by exposing, in a fiery petition had the spirits the grievances which the noirs against Chamber of Deputies, (Schoelcher 1843: 182). The petition was government of the jaunes' citizens were numerous in the room read in a public session and *the 1860, 9: 182). It was considwhere the public was admitted' (Ardouin that Darfour was arrested by Boyer and his supporters ered SO seditious who had backed the public reading of the along with several senators members including a judge. the petition, as well as other opposition school. and a government notary. director of the national primary to Haiti's interior and ports, Darfour, who opposed European access had sold the country to of spreading the idea that Boyer was accused *civil discord'. In September 1822, he was the whites' and of stirring Several other senators were condemned to death and executed. considered these actions to be the expelled from the Chamber. Ardouin Boyer. By violently and origin of the political revolution against voices, the President had lost unconstitutionally repressing opposition is the queen oft the world' the support of public opinion' 7 and opinion (Ardouin 1860, 9: 200). build, after the July Opposition to Boyer continued to especially Bourbons with whom Revolution in France (1830) overturned the deal of 1825. had concluded the controversial indemnity Boyer consisted of old enemies of Ardouin explains that the opposition ofthe deputies in 1822 (folBoyer, enemies dating from his expulsion with France. the Darfour affair), those against the treaty lowing queen oft the world' the support of public opinion' 7 and opinion (Ardouin 1860, 9: 200). build, after the July Opposition to Boyer continued to especially Bourbons with whom Revolution in France (1830) overturned the deal of 1825. had concluded the controversial indemnity Boyer consisted of old enemies of Ardouin explains that the opposition ofthe deputies in 1822 (folBoyer, enemies dating from his expulsion with France. the Darfour affair), those against the treaty lowing --- Page 135 --- Liberal Revoluion 10 Piquet Rebellion 115 The army of sufferers: from fired with radical anti-white ideas and young men black immigrants National. Newspapers played a who had come up through the Lycée central role in this movement: manifested itself above all in civil society, If the Opposition it also found in the capital a kind oforgan in in conversation. founded in 1825, by Mr. J. Courtois, a weckly journal the title of Feuille du Commerce; and this printer, under of the to judge from his editor was himself one opposition, there turn of mind and by the articles which were published ofhis vintage (Ardouin 1860, 10: 108). Le Phare, was founded in 1830 by the son of Boyer's A rival paper, When the young Inginac, who was right-hand man, General Inginac. Liberal (a professor also married to Boyer's neice, killed a prominent in a duel, the funeral procession became a political at the Lycée) the national palace, young men shouted demonstration. As they passed of the Long live live independence! Long live freedom press! 'Long Down with despotism, tyranny and tyrants!' (Ardouin the constitution! declared the seditious, and in 1860, 10: 115). Boyer soon sentences opposition for articles they pub1831, several men were given prison its editor was imprislished in the Feuille du Commerce. Eventually, oned and the paper 'suppressed". urban class to the The 1832 elections returned a new professional and civil serincluding lawyers and notaries, surveyors, Assembly, to widen its powers by opening up diavants. This Chamber attempted presentation of "addresses' and logue with the Executive through which in effect became a forum for politi- 'responses' to the executive, discussions over government policy. cal debate by opening up public Hérard Dumesle, called for written by The first Address, probably in science; investments in the advances in commerce; improvements and reform of the electoral process arts; provision of public education; that, 'effectively, public and judicial system. Ardouin complained by the Opposition, espeopinion, excited, worked up in all directions desire for since the 1830 revolution in France, felt a vague When cially modification of all things" (Ardouin 1860, 10: 168). change, for of elections (giving him Boyer made proposals for new regulations he was 'violently' to name lists of candidates for the Senate), compower David Saint-Preux, who was backed by 'the public challenged by 1988, 7: 299). A committee of the posed of ardent youth' (Madiou reform plan in the Feuille du Chamber published its own clectoral to the executive. It Commerce, and composed a collective response had challenged according to Ardouin, that Saint-Preux was imputed, basis that it 'favoured the mulattoes more than the Boyer's plan on the to name lists of candidates for the Senate), compower David Saint-Preux, who was backed by 'the public challenged by 1988, 7: 299). A committee of the posed of ardent youth' (Madiou reform plan in the Feuille du Chamber published its own clectoral to the executive. It Commerce, and composed a collective response had challenged according to Ardouin, that Saint-Preux was imputed, basis that it 'favoured the mulattoes more than the Boyer's plan on the --- Page 136 --- 116 Democracy After Slavery noirs' by tending to exclude these latter from the blies, particularly those in rural areas' (Ardouin communal assemAlso at issue in the Chamber 1860, 10: 170n1). was whether it would public, or sit behind closed doors. The be open to the debate; as Ardouin notes, 'since 1832 Opposition favoured public shown itself assiduous a young public above all had at the sessions' (Ardouin 1860, Boyer's supporters fought back by trying to exclude 10: 193). from holding seats in the Chamber, and public defenders the most radical members, Dumesle finally they simply expelled dissolution of the body and Saint-Preux, for provoking a mind' (Ardouin 1860, politic' through 'corruption of the 10: 209). The two submitted a public setting forth their position and defending the call for 'protestation' amelioration. Copies of the protest which reform and reform, military reform, better national called for electoral support of agriculture and judicial budgets, public education, 'friends of the negro' like Lord reform were sent to European Isambert. It became a rallying Brougham, Daniel O'Connell and point for the dismay: 'this protest became the progressives. to Ardouin's which he issued to the political statement (le programme) sicerely desired public, to all spirits ardent or calm who progress, the advancement of Haiti path' (Ardouin 1860, 10: 222). down a civilizing Despite their expulsion from the Chamber, were again returned in the elections of Dumesle and St. Preux The Opposition platform 1838 and even led a was renewed with a majority. public good' as the moral basis of vigorous call for the 'revision of the social pact', declaring, government. They called for a ated! May it carry you to give to the 'May this franchise be appreciwithout which a national Chamber that power of opinion (Ardouin 1860, 11: 16 [emphasis representation is nothing but a fiction' in the new Assembly in original).) When debates were held speeches over where *the power of were printed in l'Union, a opinion' lay, the other young men of his age' (Ardouin paper edited by Emile Nau and zens, of young men above all, 1860, 11: 39). A 'crowd of citireserved for the public' occupied the part of the meeting room assassination of General (Ardouin 1860, 11: 61). An attempted wider plot Inginac in 1838 led to a wave of against the government was repression; a seventy-five arrests were made and five leaders supposedly discovered, and In October 1839, the conflict between were executed.7 sition in the Chamber came to a head. the executive and the oppo- 'become in some sense a personal Dumesle, by this time having nominated the president ofthe enemy of M. Boyer, came to be war' (Schoelcher 1843: Chamber; it was nearly a declaration of Boyer took the 307). When a garrison in St. Marc opportunity to crack down on political revolted, opposition arrests were made and five leaders supposedly discovered, and In October 1839, the conflict between were executed.7 sition in the Chamber came to a head. the executive and the oppo- 'become in some sense a personal Dumesle, by this time having nominated the president ofthe enemy of M. Boyer, came to be war' (Schoelcher 1843: Chamber; it was nearly a declaration of Boyer took the 307). When a garrison in St. Marc opportunity to crack down on political revolted, opposition --- Page 137 --- Liberal Revolution to Piquet Rebellion 117 The army ofsuferers: from British observer described as a state of siege. Boyer in what one suppressed the opposition by constituting five persons an illegal mob, ordering all persons politics of the day to be imprisoned, found discussing employees making several arrests, dismissing certain publick doors of others,. placing sentries at the and threatening the ingress of the members [the Chamber] to prevent to supporting the "Union' newspaper for having presumed the substance of speeches delivered in the Chamber, publish Schoolmaster of his licence on and depriving an unhappy of the said orations." suspicion that he had composed some included Emile Nau and David Troy, direcThe dismissed employees school. These two dismissals', 2 according to tor of the national primary followed them, achieved making oppoArdouin, 'and others which with few (Ardouin nents of all the young men of the land, Chamber exceptions' of his support1860, 11: 96n1). Boyer then formed a 'rump' them Dumesle, St. Preux and others, accusing ers, who again expelled of plotting to overthrow the government. continued to mobilDespite these efforts, though, the opposition of the liberal reform movement was to mobilize ize. One of the aims 1841 clectoral law which had moved the clectorate and challenge the old, even though the voting age from twenty-one to twenty-five of civil years majority' for taxmade the former the 'age the Constitution 9 Like Ardouin, Schoelcher also attributed ation and military service." in late 1842 to two new opposition the resurgence of liberalism newspapers: there, and the Liberal ideas have made notable progress is beginning to inquietude that agitated every spirit vague The honour for this happy formulate itself, to take shape. the change must be due in great part to a newspaper, Manifeste, effort to which, though only a weekly and able only by great the the interior, has lifted the public spirit during penetrate energetically democratic past year with the firm, courageous, Dumai Lespinasse, well allures of its principal editor, Mr. 1843: 323). assisted by Mr. Hertelou (Schoelcher old in carly 1842 when Lespinasse, a public defender, was thirty ycars 1842, Port-au-Prince in the Assembly. By he was elected to represent bold and Lespinasse encouraged other the opposition was increasingly to challenge the clectoral young men who supported the opposition des Communes, and to present registers prepared by the local Conseils All those of their age felt themthemselves as voters at the elections. allures of its principal editor, Mr. 1843: 323). assisted by Mr. Hertelou (Schoelcher old in carly 1842 when Lespinasse, a public defender, was thirty ycars 1842, Port-au-Prince in the Assembly. By he was elected to represent bold and Lespinasse encouraged other the opposition was increasingly to challenge the clectoral young men who supported the opposition des Communes, and to present registers prepared by the local Conseils All those of their age felt themthemselves as voters at the elections. --- Page 138 --- 118 Democracy After Slavery SO to speak, "the national representaselves called upon to rejuvenate. 2 (Schoelcher 1842: 161-62). tion" in the Chambre de Communes' laid the foundations for a bridge Haiti's opposition newspapers smallholders by publicly articulating between clite liberals and rural moral for such social means and justifications the political arguments. a nationalist One way of doing this was through promoting an alliance. which suited both consciousness bascd on anti-colonial protectionism. crops. The first small export local merchants and peasants growing of whitcs from property ownplank ofthis platform was the exclusion defended the constitutional ership. An 1841 article in Le Manifeste that. *in uprooting the on the grounds prohibition of foreign proprietors evils, it constituted our nationalcolonial regime and all its attendant ity,' since would of foreigners in the right of property the participation existence. From the day, in effect. be fatal to our political being capitalists. they when foreigners become proprietors, in their own reunite all the big properties will promptly they will be the hands, by absorbing the small properties: and we masters and we the workers they the exploiters the exploited." contributed to a Exclusion of whites from the rights of citizenship national identity, construction of Haitian cross-class and cross-colour renewed foreign domination. based on protecting the country against whether military or economic. also felt it was their civic duty to bring The young anti-Boyerists and saw themselves as representing progress to all of Haiti's people. the British Consul Ussher referred the interests ofthe black majority: another newspaIn 1842, opposition to them as 'the democratic party'. of articles on Droit Public' that were per, Le Patriote, carried a series The author explained the democraa sort of primer on political rights. and executive as the three tic system of separate legislature, judiciary of the social body and for wheels which regulate the existence edugreat The same piece called for public which the motor is the people". : for 11 Schoelcher libraries and savings banks workers.' cation, public along with the somewhat more moderate credited the Manifeste, education to the citizens of Haiti, a Patriote, with bringing political of primary schools. project also being furthered by the establishment and Petit Goave'. he Already Gonaives. Jeremie, Croix-des-Bouquetse devoted citizens' wrote, "have free schools. opened and run by happily that schools were (Schoelcher 1843: 332). He was very optimistic discussed in newsformed and progressive ideas were being being papers throughout the country. workers.' cation, public along with the somewhat more moderate credited the Manifeste, education to the citizens of Haiti, a Patriote, with bringing political of primary schools. project also being furthered by the establishment and Petit Goave'. he Already Gonaives. Jeremie, Croix-des-Bouquetse devoted citizens' wrote, "have free schools. opened and run by happily that schools were (Schoelcher 1843: 332). He was very optimistic discussed in newsformed and progressive ideas were being being papers throughout the country. --- Page 139 --- from Liberal Revolution to Piquet Rebellion 119 The army ofsufferers: tenet of the opposition was the idea of association or Another key of labour. An article in the cooperation as a basis for the reorganization in making its Patriote in 1842 cited Saint-Simon, Owen and Fourier, of land to all, that true democracy requires the distribution argument and the pooling of labour. capital and revenue: Association. there is the key to the organization of labour.. the of the modern republic is association in social programme do not conceive of industry and election in politics.. . [Wle without the division of lands: we admit to promodemocracy and the greatest distribution of propting universal suffrage themselves around a central erty.. little properties can group factories necessary for the common where the buildings and of the group's crops can be raised at common exploitation expense. 12 had travelled among radical circles in Many of Boyer's opponents familiar with contemporary European France and Britain, and were and social reform. The Manifeste debates regarding the working class Tocqueville). and published sang the praises of a free press (citing articles on the merits of "association'. article entitled *On the On the eve of the Liberal Revolution, an existed because ofthe Emancipation ofLabour' argued that inequality education and lack of injustice of wealth, the inaccessibility of commercial credit for workers: condition of any system Association is thus an indispensable [It] of credit that does not repose uniquely on ownership. which to combat the aristocracy of finance, is the only way absorb small capitals. It is the only way tends incessantly to of wealth, which is impossible, to arrive not at an equality those who have but at a certain equilibrium that prevents protects those who have less.. [It] more from oppressing order, just as in the civil and political liberty in the industrial order. 13 labour, the author continued, will require equal The emancipation of education, and 'that capital or the instrulaws for all, free and equal accessible to [the workers]'. This ments of production become directly prior to the revolution, and it appears to be the last issue published indicates the more radical wing of the intelligentsia. links between elite was also engaged in forging The progressive as popular consciousness its efforts at reform and what was perceived and processor James One young mulatto sugar planter and aspirations. American or West Indian immigrant) Blackhurst (probably an our, the author continued, will require equal The emancipation of education, and 'that capital or the instrulaws for all, free and equal accessible to [the workers]'. This ments of production become directly prior to the revolution, and it appears to be the last issue published indicates the more radical wing of the intelligentsia. links between elite was also engaged in forging The progressive as popular consciousness its efforts at reform and what was perceived and processor James One young mulatto sugar planter and aspirations. American or West Indian immigrant) Blackhurst (probably an --- Page 140 --- 120 Democracy After Slavery politics by living among his workers fraternally' practised his radical with them in a 'regime of association' and holding meetings he is a citizen', 1 wrote Schoelcher, Mr. Blackhurst does not forget that and is already known he dreams of a noble regeneration for his country. [Ojnce a week he member of the most extreme opposition.. as a men of his workshop (atelier). and gives assembles thc most intelligent which reacts on the others' (Schoelcher them a lecture (conference) exemplified the aim of the young 1843: 269). This political practice alliances with the black working class. radical opposition to try to build of educated liberalism and intersection It was at this anti-authoritarian in Haiti became a possibility. popular association that democracy The Liberal Revolution the elections of 1842. but Boyer The mobilized opposition swept in the capital. When the deputies garrisoned twelve armed regiments door of the House a guard of 180 tried to meet, he stationed at the who were declared supwith strict orders to admit those men only men The remainder, about 30 in number. were. porters of the Government. rudely repulsed by the guard themselves for admission. on presenting 14 Those excluded in 1839. along with their and compelled to retire'. seats.. almost one were not allowed to take their Altogether Santo supporters. including most for the capital. all from third of the deputies. of the south were forced Domingo. and most of the representatives followed in Jamaica: the out. 15 These events were being closely Proclamation of March 28. 1842: Morning Journal published Boyer's electoral assemblages became in some Haytiens!.. The of districts the centre of new machinations - the promoters confederated together. By dint ofintrigue - by dint dissent checked the freedom of the election, and of audacity, they with alarm the return of these men our good citizens saw had expelled in 1839.. whom the Fifth Legislature the perfidious Citizens! Be calm and peaceful repel 16 suggestions of those who would lead you astray. however, the country was also entering a major At this very moment, Boyer's desperate attempts to financial crisis. brought on in part by buy the army's loyalty. that Haitian paper money (liberIn early 1842. it became apparent whenever needed) was depreally printed by the government treasury system would have to be ciating SO rapidly that the whole monetary and replaced overhauled and all the money pulled out of circulation the Fifth Legislature the perfidious Citizens! Be calm and peaceful repel 16 suggestions of those who would lead you astray. however, the country was also entering a major At this very moment, Boyer's desperate attempts to financial crisis. brought on in part by buy the army's loyalty. that Haitian paper money (liberIn early 1842. it became apparent whenever needed) was depreally printed by the government treasury system would have to be ciating SO rapidly that the whole monetary and replaced overhauled and all the money pulled out of circulation --- Page 141 --- from Liberal Revolution 10 Piquet Rebellion 121 The army of sufferers: Although import duties were collected in Spanish with hard currency. to France; army and currency, this was ear-marked for debt repayments to the civil officers were paid in Haitian dollars, originally scheme pegged was to dollar. but now worth less and less. One Spanish for Spanish dollars and redeem the paper money in exchange partly this, though, partly for Treasury bonds; the Government rejected, of payments to because it would have involved a temporary suspension and As the British Consul Ussher noted, 'Discontent perhaps the army. the Government depends disaffection might arise. and as present could ill afford to almost entirely on the support of the army, they as it is on the paralyze such an arm of strength: the more particularly, hostile Chamber of Representatives eve of meeting the most decidely it was revealed that have ever sat in Haiti'. 17 To make matters worse, of were on the depreciation that some of the government speculating old notes, had its own notes, while others, entrusted with destroying awash in worthless secretly reissued them. The country was not only destroyed. 18 money. but public trust was by now completely paper There is',as the historian Ardouin Revolution was near at hand. opinion, a which is attacked by public put it, for every government know how to seize in order to bring solemn moment which it must occasion escape, it is lost. opinion back to itself; if it lets this of that of Boyer' Unhappily for the country, such would be the destiny that the 1860, 11: 218). The missionary Bird also observed (Ardouin opinion had been suppressed in formation of true and open public "The invisible working could not be entirely suppressed. Haiti, but its he argued, 'is that the people govemn'; leading idea of a true Republic', however. idea, to the present time, has been in Hayti the leading up instituUnder really Republican that the executive governs. questions, both privately tions, the people discuss political interest and concern, and publicly, as being their own special than to the relating quite as much to them, and even more, it has been executive; but in Hayti, for more than 60 years, on political questions or open supposed that conversations and therefore are not discussions. would be dangerous, tolerated (Bird 1869: 423). the elected representatives of the Following Boyer's crackdown on the secret Society for the Rights people, the liberal opposition formed 1842 signed a call to arms of Man and the Citizen, which in September be known as the Manifeste de of grievances that came to and catalogue how this revolutionary manifesto was Praslin. Madiou describes in Aux Cayes, Port-au-Prince, secretly circulated among the opposition years, on political questions or open supposed that conversations and therefore are not discussions. would be dangerous, tolerated (Bird 1869: 423). the elected representatives of the Following Boyer's crackdown on the secret Society for the Rights people, the liberal opposition formed 1842 signed a call to arms of Man and the Citizen, which in September be known as the Manifeste de of grievances that came to and catalogue how this revolutionary manifesto was Praslin. Madiou describes in Aux Cayes, Port-au-Prince, secretly circulated among the opposition --- Page 142 --- 122 Democracy After Slavery communicated among themJérémie and other towns. Small groups societies. adherence and formed secret revolutionary selves, swore aware that they had to mobilize the The revolutionaries were also brought their project directly to farmers to their cause. SO they to peasant meetings in rural districts. According the people by holding their ideas in conjunction with Ardouin, the revolutionaries elaborated small farmers in patriotic banquets': which they made in the The opposition contrived meetings, to better the habitations ofthe small proprietors. country on with toasts, they excited indoctrinate them. With spceches. citizens in favour of the new the desires of these peaceful to found, by promising order of things which they hoped sale of their produce. them above all a more advantageous below their of foreign goods at a price and the purchase 1860, 11: 235-36). actual value (Ardouin in the that the opposition. especially Madiou wrote less negatively doctrines known in the countryside by south, tried to make their habitations in the principle centres of holding reunions on diverse attended by the principal cultivators: population. there giving banquets ofa better future: the educathey put before their eyes the perspective abundance' (Madiou tion of their children, better prices for their crops. exporters seem to 1988, 7: 421). Small coffee-growers and regional Ussher received a have been united in this movement. The diplomat landholders and cultivators letter from Jérémie indicating that small The Country people had been convinced to support the opposition. of Coffee and having dissatisfied at the low price are, it appears. highly from the mismanagement been led to believe that it proceeds taken side, 1 am told, with the of the Government, they have ofa fire that swept 19 The movement also took advantage Opposition' . district of Port-au-Prince on the 9th of January. through the mercantile accusing the government 1843, to gather urban supporters by publicly with the water that might have fountains of failing to provide public extinguished the flames (Madiou 1988. 7: 434).20 ebb ever. the secret With popular support for Boyer at its lowest leader in Aux Cayes. Society sent a message to Hérard, their chosen Word of the imminent that the moment was opportune to take up arms. politiques', as revolution was spread among their "coréligionnaires to the *Giron of Jérémie' Madiou calls them, and Hérard himself wrote in the lt is significant that at this early stage to ensure their support. fearful of a popular uprising; he recomrevolution, Hérard himself was into the ranks of mended above all that no cultivators be introduced sons guard, which must be composed only of proprietors. the national Hérard, their chosen Word of the imminent that the moment was opportune to take up arms. politiques', as revolution was spread among their "coréligionnaires to the *Giron of Jérémie' Madiou calls them, and Hérard himself wrote in the lt is significant that at this early stage to ensure their support. fearful of a popular uprising; he recomrevolution, Hérard himself was into the ranks of mended above all that no cultivators be introduced sons guard, which must be composed only of proprietors. the national --- Page 143 --- from Liberal Revolntion tO Piqnet Rebellion 123 The army ofsnfferers: etc.21 This fear of an of proprictors. farmers, and under-farmers. the extent to which this was an uprising of the cultivators indicates claims to the contrary. The revelite. not a popular, movement. despite feared a popular uprising; olutionary faction in Jérémie. in particular, to overturn the Madiou observed. "it is evident that they wanted as the people in order and in agrigovernment. all the while maintaining working, we will cultural labor. . [saying in effect] stay calm, keep what interests' - (Madiou 1988, 7: 443). Nevertheless, take care of your rural to elite movement had to mobilize supporters began as an armed forces. This fragile alliance succeeded succeed against Boyer's in the face but its underlying inequality was soon exposed temporarily, of a mobilized peasantry. at Praslin, Hérard's property outside The revolutionaries gathered contacted General Borgella, the of Aux Cayes in January 1843. They He declined, and issued regional army commander, to seek his support. Praslin set out toward Hérard a traitor. The men at an order declaring south-western part of the country, Grand Anse, the mountainous after them. Allies in knowing that Borgella would be sending troops formed a and on the 31st of January, they Jérémie were contacted which issued its first circular 'committee of the popular government' and 1st year of the Regeneration'. dated 40th year of Independence black was paramount; they elite fear of a uprising Once again, though, with the local authorities and the advised their supporters 'to cooperate for order, officers on the necessary means maintaining rural [police] and mobilizing the work of the countryassuring public tranquility, in their labor.. [TJhey [E]ncourage the habitants to persevere side confidence in the efforts that we are making to amemust have entire (Madiou 1988, 7: 443). Even Madiou liorate the people's condition' fearful elite. Their efforts succeeded, recognized the hypocrisy of this marched into Jérémie and were however, as Hérard's 5000 insurgents citizens'. 22 welcomed openly by the leading joined the new 17th and 18th regiments The locally-stationed 3rd, over three thousand popular government in Jérémic. On February were sworn crowded the place d'armes to cheer as two generals men government. An act was passed (and in as members of the provisional against Boyer over 300 men), stating the people's grievances signed by attacking the inviolability of the national for "lacerating the social pact, and individual liberties' (Madiou deputies. and annihilating public their actions in a letter to the Governor of 1988, 7: 445). They justified They had "appealed to Arms', Jamaica, whose support they sought. had endeavored 'to claim their rights which the Authorities they wrote, arrestation of some distinguished citizens, to violate by the intended of liberal opinions" 23 They for no other cause than the expression stating the people's grievances signed by attacking the inviolability of the national for "lacerating the social pact, and individual liberties' (Madiou deputies. and annihilating public their actions in a letter to the Governor of 1988, 7: 445). They justified They had "appealed to Arms', Jamaica, whose support they sought. had endeavored 'to claim their rights which the Authorities they wrote, arrestation of some distinguished citizens, to violate by the intended of liberal opinions" 23 They for no other cause than the expression --- Page 144 --- 124 DemocracyA After Slavery armed supporters and - after marching claimed to have six thousand Port-au-Prince with twelve through the country eventually reached thousand. sent from the capital met the revolutionWhen government troops soldiers refused to fight and whole ary army in the south, many government. The regiments deserted en masse to the provisional situation are of this largely peaceful, yet revolutionary descriptions According to one British officer, quite remarkable. Soldiers having refused to fire upon their countrymen all the their Commandant, and, when repeatedly urged to advance by the General if they went over in a body, and recommended his back to Head he valued his life to make the best of way the indeed, it appears that the Rebels act only upon Quarters; and have not in any instance been the aggressors: defensive unarmed. the leaders they have no uniform and many go the two parties only wearing a sash or girdle, and on the Loyalists. meeting, the Deputies step out and harangue would to some purpose. as desertion amongst and it appear amount invariably the ranks of the latter to a considerable a mode of revolutionizing follows. This extraordinary of the attendant scenes of Country with scarcely any (so common in such cases Bloodshed, rapine, and violence the ultimate success of in European Civilized Countries). a case almost unparalwhich cannot be doubted, will present of the Negro in a leled in History and place the character than it had exalted station in the scale of civilization more been deemed capable of attaining to.24 hitherto this method of conversion of Other accounts ofthe revolution confirm and 14th regiments went over the troops and mass desertion. The 1lth while the 4th lay down, pretending to the patriots' without a shot fired, 1988, 7: 468). Bird also to be shot, until their general fled (Madiou the insurgents. When shot reported that the soldiers refused to fight shouted "Vive le Comité upon, 'the national guard immediately number and went over to them, followed by a considerable fled and populaire!" troops; the rest of the President's army of the government Bird blamed Boyer's loss of each one saved himself as he could'. the fact that he had 'ruled popularity and the affection of his army on President of a sovereign. than as simple more as an absolutist His colleague Hartwell wrote that Republic' as the people wanted.25 movement ofthe kind, Revolution of 1843 is no ordinary the Haytien the requisite idea to the mind: nor does the term revolution present the revolution bloodless and accompanied by no enormities, nearly rest of the President's army of the government Bird blamed Boyer's loss of each one saved himself as he could'. the fact that he had 'ruled popularity and the affection of his army on President of a sovereign. than as simple more as an absolutist His colleague Hartwell wrote that Republic' as the people wanted.25 movement ofthe kind, Revolution of 1843 is no ordinary the Haytien the requisite idea to the mind: nor does the term revolution present the revolution bloodless and accompanied by no enormities, nearly --- Page 145 --- from Liberal Revolution to Piquet Rebellion 125 The army of sufferers: asks in behalf of the Son of the African his place in religious, intellectual, and civil society'.a democratic Thus, it was the resurgence of a black-identified that led to his movement along with Boyer's loss of military loyalty is reflected downfall. The degree of popular support for his overthrow were central protagonists in several key events in the fact that women commander of the of 1843. In February, General Borgella, supreme that he would act against all armed forces in the south, issued an order who to seditious remarks, feven against women sought people making and the officers not to fulfil their duties. The induce the soldiers Madiou, 'composed in Aux Cayes a women, in effect'. commented (Madiou 1988, in favour of the revolution' powerful propaganda while singing, dragged from fort Ça-Ira 7: 455). Women in Léogane. caliber, and placed them in a into the town. two cannon of very high Two shots from these weapons battery facing the plain of Dampuce'. the death tolls in killed thirty of Boyer's men. probably one of 1988, highest 7: 468). On the a single event of the entire revolution (Madiou role. Madiou reports that 12th of March, urban women played a pivotal ordered a battalion of after the loss of the battle in Léogane, Boyer "The battalin the capital to join the battle on foot. national guardsmen as it arrived at Morne-à-Tuf, it was lion began to march, but as soon of women... [Boyer] was multitude stopped by an innumerable of women, who followed him and cursed assailed by a new disturbance manner' (Madiou 1988, 7: 468). him, abusing him in the most scathing of those who had been killed in Bird reports that, some of the mothers and besides bitterly affair.. assembled before the Palace, the Leogane vent to their feelings of hatred to his reproaching the President, gave and conclude &c., &c.; this led him to desist, probably Government, that all was lost' (Bird 1869: 226).27 Baudin calls it, Boyer lost hope", 1 After this 'manifestation'. as and embarked on a British ship to wrote a final act of abdication, the French (Madiou 1988, 7: 468). Jamaica, refusing one offered by the National Palace, breaking Following his departure, mobs invaded defacing portraits of Boyer everything, tearing trees from the garden, the archives and most upsetting to Madiou, *throwing and his family, 1988, 7: 472). A week later, Hérard led the to the wind' (Madiou march into Port-au-Prince, now renamed popular army on a triumphal welcomed *with delirious enthusiasm', Port-Républicain. They were balls, fraternal Madiou, with three nights of 'meals, banquets, wrote White flags were flown and white embraces, [and] illuminations'. of adhesion to the Revolution; a feathers worn in men's hats as a sign 1988, 7: 473). Ussher review of 17,000 troops was organized (Madiou the lower orders and soldiery, reported that Hérard was idolized by now renamed popular army on a triumphal welcomed *with delirious enthusiasm', Port-Républicain. They were balls, fraternal Madiou, with three nights of 'meals, banquets, wrote White flags were flown and white embraces, [and] illuminations'. of adhesion to the Revolution; a feathers worn in men's hats as a sign 1988, 7: 473). Ussher review of 17,000 troops was organized (Madiou the lower orders and soldiery, reported that Hérard was idolized by --- Page 146 --- 126 DemocrucyAfiers Slavery influence, as I have whom he seems to maintain an extraordinary the over act of violence or disorder committed by not heard of onc singlc that support him'.2 28 uncivilised and starving masses democratic and constitutional. The forms of government remained On thc 24th of March, an Act formal transfer of power was planned. and as a setting forth Boyer's crimes was passed. signed and published, It was installed on the Ist of April announcing a provisional government. of thc anniversary of Alexandre 1843, during public celebrations Guard paraded, proclamations and Pétion's birth. at which the National and onc hundred and one salvos acts ofthe new government were read over 10.000.29 Debate quickly fired; the crowd were said to number were to form and what procedures began over what kind of government de Saint-Rémy put it, should be followed in forming it. As Lepelletier was acutely moved by 'one knew not how much the Haitian population removal. all was revealed: the spirit of democracy'. With Boyer's passions became the day in the From this moment, political torrent which has broken its with the impetuosity of a press never before. the case of saying: Democracy dikes. It was, as The shock of flowed full to the brim. And what democracy! of the the alliance principles ideas the most heterogeneous, federalism and the unitary most contrary, of American of the people replaced by tendencies of'93; the sovereignty at last all the intellectual the sovereignty of the commune; untried and long hampered extravagance ofa a young people. their voices (Saint-Rémy manifestation of in the legitimate 1845: 681). while writers in the radical press called for radical democracy. Some position. Writing in Le Manifeste. others took a more conservative Saint-Rémy charged that: which is nothing other than Representative government election is a train ofi intrigues formed government ofi indirect France it is few against a few minorsf in by a guardians sort. it is the domination of the the government of the right ovcr the worker, over the material interest of the bourgeoisie of the gentlelabourer.. [In England it is the domination worker: it is the man or of thc rich capitalist over the urban Sir O'coneel arrogance of Lord Palmerston over haughty is the inverse of [sic). (DJemoeratic or popular government make government; here the people always representative and always intelliheard their strong voice, magnanimous they have the good gent: despite their apparent ignorance. sense oftheir own interests. the government of the right ovcr the worker, over the material interest of the bourgeoisie of the gentlelabourer.. [In England it is the domination worker: it is the man or of thc rich capitalist over the urban Sir O'coneel arrogance of Lord Palmerston over haughty is the inverse of [sic). (DJemoeratic or popular government make government; here the people always representative and always intelliheard their strong voice, magnanimous they have the good gent: despite their apparent ignorance. sense oftheir own interests. --- Page 147 --- from Liberal Revolution 10 Piquet Rebellion 127 The army of sufferers:, form of Some advoOthers argued over the municipal government. headed by selectof town meetings cated an American-style system while others advocated a more men and generated from the bottom up. central executive directed French-style centralized system in which the indirect election of the formation of local administrations along with commune', wrote mayors. "One spoke only ofthe free and independent fond of them; it was Madiou, and "as for clubs, one was passionately they were the foyer said they were all that is beautiful. grand. positive; 1988, 7: 486). Ardouin of enlightenment and of patriotism' (Madiou because it mobilized argued that the Liberal Revolution succeeded had turned his opinion in favour of reform, whereas Boyer popular those in the South whose representatives back on the people. especially had been expelled from the Assembly. debate, the expreswould be based on open The new government and freedom of association. One sion of public opinion, a free press the best means to extend suggested that meetings were newspaper political participation: the have been seized by a passion for political Once people have been imbued with the necessity of affairs, once they and have understood following the workings of government against the all the power of well-formulated public opinion English in originvasions of power, les meeting [italicized reunions shall become the great occupation inal] or political rendezvous of the enlightened, the of the national elite, the that will flow from intelligent and the capable, and the good discussions will forevermore be immense. all these public memoirs published from exile in Even Inginac, in self-exculpatory downfall to his failure to Kingston in 1843, attributed Boyer's claimed that he himself pro- 'consult' liberal public opinion. Inginac listen and instead fell back moted liberalism, but that Boyer would not claims, If had listened to him, Inginac on the force of the army. Boyer of interest to free discushe would have opened all matters public on the masses, he had sion...he would not have believed that in relying fellow force to disdain the opinion of his enlightened sufficient citizens' (Inginac 1843: 109). of educated however, it was only a small group In the meantime, and teachers who were turning up at the lawyers, newspaper editors revolutionaries were finding it difficult to 'popular clubs"." The aspiring all of this democracy was directed. In mobilize the people at whom against the mulatto opposithe final battle of the mulatto government feeling themselves observed Maxime Reybaud, 'the masses, tion', and then the other, were remaining nearly neutral" cajoled on one side enlightened sufficient citizens' (Inginac 1843: 109). of educated however, it was only a small group In the meantime, and teachers who were turning up at the lawyers, newspaper editors revolutionaries were finding it difficult to 'popular clubs"." The aspiring all of this democracy was directed. In mobilize the people at whom against the mulatto opposithe final battle of the mulatto government feeling themselves observed Maxime Reybaud, 'the masses, tion', and then the other, were remaining nearly neutral" cajoled on one side --- Page 148 --- 128 Democracy After Slavery makes it clear that during the interim (d'Alaux 1860: 55). Madiou of power, there were a number of period of the revolutionary transfer aims. There were those who had competing factions with different backed Hérard: there were those signed the Manifeste de Praslin and his family and his partiin Jérémie who were old enemies of Boyer, to the black cause: sans, but who were not particularly faction sympathetic emerging in the countryside and there was a more radical black who wanted a black leader. As around Aux Cayes and Grand Anse, June 1843 to choose the electoral primary assemblies met in May and themselves for each of these factions jockeyed among colleges, position. March 1844, the revolution seemed to From February 1843 to assemblies tried minimal popular support, as the electoral elicit only There were 26 arrondissements to hammer out a new constitution. but they comprised a total of electoraux (divided into 68 communes). members of the Assemblée only 620 electors to choose the 124 the new constitution Constituante, which would write and approve observed. The 1988, 7: 488; cf. FO 35/26). As Saint-Rémy (Madiou and difficult: the presence of two work of the new elections was long about conflicts and agitacastes in the electoral committees brought of civil war" (Sainttions which were raised at times to the proportions of overthrow. 1845: 672). Already within a month Boyer's Rémy and Emile Nau were complainradical editors like Dumai Lespinasse offices. when he that Hérard was liberally giving out military ing and reducing the army (Madiou 1988. should have been reorganizing of an elite-popular the more radical implications 7: 489). Against Hérard and the army seemed to be fomenting a democratic alliance, alliance that had briefly populist state-military alliance. The democratic to buckle under differences of colour and class was beginning bridged situation: colour discrimination would the strain of the revolutionary be the final straw. mobilization and the Piquet Rebellion Black of the south, under the leadership of the black When the peasantry turned against the provisional governland-owning Salomon family, of racial equality did not ment, it became clear that the elite ideology labitants. The south had represent the reality experienced by black and land ownership. even always been a stronghold of affranchi power had been maintained here in colonial days, and big coffee plantations of the ancien libres was probafter independence: thus. class solidarity Yet. it was also a stronger here than elsewhere in the country. ably Piquet Rebellion Black of the south, under the leadership of the black When the peasantry turned against the provisional governland-owning Salomon family, of racial equality did not ment, it became clear that the elite ideology labitants. The south had represent the reality experienced by black and land ownership. even always been a stronghold of affranchi power had been maintained here in colonial days, and big coffee plantations of the ancien libres was probafter independence: thus. class solidarity Yet. it was also a stronger here than elsewhere in the country. ably --- Page 149 --- from Liberal Revolution 10 Piquet Rebellion 129 The army of sufferers: which black soldiers had been given land grants by region in many began when the primary elecPétion (see Chapter 2). The disturbance faction toral assembly in Aux Cayes split between a mulatto Salomon supportEdouard Grandchamp and a black faction supporting ing but in the end Grandchamp jeune. 32 Neither obtained a clear majority, writes that the elite of the won and excluded many black men. Madiou Salomon jeune and sent a black population of les Cayes' rallied around govof colour discrimination to the provisional petition complaining The signed by seventy ernment (Madiou 1988, 7: 506-20). petition, but that Boyer had oppressed the "black class' 9 men, charged not only of caste' continued to destroy also that this 'cancer" ofthe prejudice at the price of the the unity of the nation: *in this Haiti conquered in establishing a blood of both noirs and jaunes, Boyer has succeeded class the dominator of veritable aristocracy: he had made the coloured the black class' (Madiou 1988, 7: 503). between the provisional The format of these initial exchanges because it shows an and aggrieved blacks is significant government civil, public means, e.g. meetings, petiinitial attempt to act through etc. Likewise, the state initially tions, resolutions, public manifestoes, civil channels of communication. responded to these claims through to Les Cayes to sent an official delegation The provisional government demanded annulment of the investigate the charges. and Salomon of blacks and that the government primary election, full participation asserted that 'the country is a common extirpate 'caste prejudice". He the black that it is by all and for all; that it was conquered by heritage. (Madiou 1988, 7: 516). He prepared a long 'exposé', and the brown' Madiou, who called it a remarkable document. reproduced in full by At its heart is this claim: who as citizens only the The unjust are those recognize capitalists, etc. and businessmen, merchants, professionals, with black skins, who say they were revolted to see men come to vote tanners, coopers, cultivators by profession, of the 15th and 16th concurrently with them in the assemblies that the unjust are those who do not want to conceive of. June; and the mulâtres are equal and constitute in Haiti the nègres those who want to ignore that we all but one; the unjust are the Dessalines who owe our independence to a nègre, to great justice will one reigns in our hearts and to whom reparatory day raise altars (Madiou 1988, 7: 512). we are the poor pariahs that they scek to Finally, Salomon concluded, by our fathers, reddened by disinherit from the patrimony conquered conceive of. June; and the mulâtres are equal and constitute in Haiti the nègres those who want to ignore that we all but one; the unjust are the Dessalines who owe our independence to a nègre, to great justice will one reigns in our hearts and to whom reparatory day raise altars (Madiou 1988, 7: 512). we are the poor pariahs that they scek to Finally, Salomon concluded, by our fathers, reddened by disinherit from the patrimony conquered --- Page 150 --- 130 Democracy Afier Slavery their precious blood. Wc want to be equal to all, we want to aristocracy ofskin disappear from our see the nation [and] to thc entire world'.. socicty.. IWJe declare it to the A government delegation managed to the together, and a concordat was signed and bring two sides government. It momentarily seemed that approved by the provisional municative democratic channels of comthough, claim-making had preserved peace. In the Hérard, who was leading troops in the east meantime, direct communication with the and was not in and ordered the arrest of its capital, received the original petition response, he broke a fragile democratic signatories. By resorting to a military factions. As arrests began, the Salomons compromise between the two left Aux 'mecting on the habitation of Castel Cayes in the night, at the sound of bells and the père, and reuniting the cultivators lambi. They announced escaped from Aux Cayes because of the that they had exercised against the blacks. The cultivators persecutions the mulattoes armed themselves with rifles and responded to their appeal, ized themselves into pikes of hardwood, and organGovernment cavalry and infantry' (Madiou 1988, 7: troops were quickly sent 521). to the capital of an uprising in the south, against them, and reports came The Salomon army, put down by General Lazarre. 'composed of rifles and five hundred-or-so approximately three hundred-or-so hardwood Salomons were ordered to turn pikes', was pardoned and the ernment. They later left for exile themselves in to the provisional govend of their political influence, in Jamaica,33 This would not be the and class discrimination still however, for the questions of colour rural habitants and hung in the air and black citizens, urban artisans, still demanded both The Patriote reported the deplorable democracy. ing, rhetorically asking, Would news' of Salomon's upriscaste and of privileges of skin, one speak to us of an aristocracy of desired by all, here where the here where the principle of election is tions to public functions?34 majority forms the basis of all nominahundred rebels, The paper sighed in relief when the nine mostly armed with long were peaccably dispersed. Its wooden pikes. or piquets" - clearly as it called for a 'moralisation paternalistic outlook emerged more that which they were yesterday, ofthe masses', who were "today without morality; to teach them, to moralize them, enlightenment and without that is what there is to do for them'. 35 to procure their well-being, the Admiralty, British Consul Ussher wrote to An element of discord has displayed to deluge the country with itself which threatened hatred that exists blood. It is nothing less than the between the negroes and the mulattoes.. ets" - clearly as it called for a 'moralisation paternalistic outlook emerged more that which they were yesterday, ofthe masses', who were "today without morality; to teach them, to moralize them, enlightenment and without that is what there is to do for them'. 35 to procure their well-being, the Admiralty, British Consul Ussher wrote to An element of discord has displayed to deluge the country with itself which threatened hatred that exists blood. It is nothing less than the between the negroes and the mulattoes.. --- Page 151 --- from Liberal Revolution 10 Piquet Rebellion 131 The army of sufferers:. Chief Offices of state have generally found their way (TJhe into the hands of the mulattoes. The negroes perceiving only the difference of colour in this arrangement, faney themand aggrieved race and evince a strong selves an oppressed determination to assert their supposed rights. further unrest and asked the Admiralty to have a British Ussher feared . Any revoluship call in at Haiti in case of a black 'counter-revolution' democratic reform, but in tion that came, though, would not be against to a notion as distasteful English favour of greater democratization merchants as to the Haitian landowners and military. the conConstitution was finally written and approved by A new the 30th of December, 1843, ten months after stituent Assembly on civilian in Haiti, Boyer's flight. It called for the first purely government elected by a wide electoral assembly. and for a four-year presidency and the legislature divided into The three powers were to be separated, in the Commons were to be a Commons and a Senate. Representatives assemblies in each elected for three-year terms by the primary The voting age with numbers determined by population. commune, had to be twenty-five and own was twenty-one, while representatives six Senators (who had to be Each department was to have property. elected by electoral assemblies for thirty years old and own property) maintained the right to citizenship of six-year terms. The constitution and continued to ban white all people of African or Indian heritage, to be based on direct elecownership. Local governance was property to form the Municipal Committees, Municipal tion every two years, Councils; these were to hold public sessions Councils and Communal (Janvier 1905: 38-9). The new conand publish budgets and accounts and rights, and with a long section on civil political stitution opened of the home and the sanctity of public law. It ensured inviolability his opinions in all matters, to property; the right of each to express equality of all religious cults; write, print and to publish his thoughts; in; the right to schooling to be gradually phased free public primary frecdom of association; the right of petition; peaceful assembly and except in the case of acts of public and the right to use any language. 1, Constitution de affairs (Moïse 1988, Appendix authority or judicial United States Constitution and Bill of 1843). It was similar to the slavery and gave broad and Rights in many respects, but it outlawed equal rights to all male citizens. participation was the lanOne of the barriers to popular political We know from missionary divide between French and Kréyol. French. guage Haitians did not speak or understand reports that most and Ordres du Jour Government documents such as proclamations and the right to use any language. 1, Constitution de affairs (Moïse 1988, Appendix authority or judicial United States Constitution and Bill of 1843). It was similar to the slavery and gave broad and Rights in many respects, but it outlawed equal rights to all male citizens. participation was the lanOne of the barriers to popular political We know from missionary divide between French and Kréyol. French. guage Haitians did not speak or understand reports that most and Ordres du Jour Government documents such as proclamations --- Page 152 --- 132 DemocracyAier Slavery with Spanish translatawritten in French (occasionally were always translated for most ofthe populace tion), and therefore had to be orally in Port-de-Paix folunderstand them. Disturbances were reported to elections in July 1843 after illiterate voters accused lowing municipal their votes of cheating them.37 The the scribes who had written out Le Progrès reported that at Petit-Goave. newspaper been read article by article. without the constitution having in Creole to the numeromission, each article was explained at times to listeners who called for it and seemed ous at articles 8, 24, and 25 [excluding demand it. Arriving existing claims to propwhites from property and protecting well said that it was not thus that erty). some habitants very had been told that the they had been made to believe. They as were in would be rehabilitated to such they big properties and that in consequence they would lose the ancien regime their properties?" misled the small landwords, of the revolution had In other opponents until its aims were translated into Kréyol holders against the revolution for them. that the interests of peasants Soon, however, it became apparent by the 'enlightened' and small landholders were not being represented was not to everyone's political elite. The long awaited constitution conflicts to appear. Most alarmingly. liking, and new fissures began authorities. and between the new emerged between civil and military the army. Following the and President Hérard, backed by legislature to install Hérard as President. according ceremony in Port Républicain to Ussher, of was publicly read in the presence [The new Constitution] and the Army. At its conclua great concourse ofthe people officers present came forward sion the great majority ofthe bas la Constitution! En to the Hustings with loud cries of'En that Hérard bas les Préfets!" and it was with some difficulty them and them to have recourse was able to pacify persuade against such portions of to a more legal method of protesting with which they were dissatisfied. the constitution refused to obey newly elected municipal When national guardsmen between the legislature and the authorities in some areas, discord his dissatisfaction at President erupted. 'Hérard has all along expressed Ussher noted, the ultra democratic principles of the new Constitution'. and is considered ill adapted to the habits of the people, which he feeling exhibiting itself in the secretly pleased to observe a similar them and them to have recourse was able to pacify persuade against such portions of to a more legal method of protesting with which they were dissatisfied. the constitution refused to obey newly elected municipal When national guardsmen between the legislature and the authorities in some areas, discord his dissatisfaction at President erupted. 'Hérard has all along expressed Ussher noted, the ultra democratic principles of the new Constitution'. and is considered ill adapted to the habits of the people, which he feeling exhibiting itself in the secretly pleased to observe a similar --- Page 153 --- Liberal Revolutiou to Piquet Rebellion 133 The aruy ofs sufferers: from A short time ago. in the North, three regiments, under a General Army. against several articles of the Constitution, Thomas, openly protested Institutions'. 40 those in particular relating to Municipal between black and mulatto facThe conflict, then. was not simply between those committed to tions, as many historians have argued, but versus constitutional democracy as the best route to black equality committed to statist militarism as the best route to power (allied those landowners and traditional local powerholders with conservative big Some elements of the army were drawn who feared democratization). and supported the democratic revoto their origins among 'the pcople' officers it scems) were drawn to their lution, while others (especially of military authority. bread-and-butter position and supported a reprise thus drove a wedge between the bourgeois/peasant Military autonomy alliance. both by offering some poor blacks a democratic republican seeds of fear of 'the route to power within the army, and by planting of civilians to wrest masses' among the elite. It was the inability destabilized control of the state from the military that ultimately Haitian democratization. French Consul General Maxime Reybaud As the patronizing Gustave d'Alaux) put it: when the new (writing under the pen-name fracas had ended at nothing regime was consolidated. when SO much the mulatto youth ofthe more than to give a few thousand epaulettes to understood that one had decidedly Hérard party, the "black people" the four cardinal points to see if anyone forgotten them, and looked to them their "revolution à li" would not present themselves to give the true black interest, the (d'Alaux 1860: 55). Claiming to represent and the appeared in the south, Dalzon in Port-au-Prince, Salomons in the north, followed by the final black generals Pierrot and Guerrier in the east. Together, break-away ofthe Dominican Republic straw destabilized Hérard's regime, leaving it these coups and civil wars This time, however, the moveopen to a more serious peasant uprising. leader not led landowners, but by a political-religious ment was by who dressed like a peasant. of 1844, President Hérard was Throughout March and April independence troops against the Dominican leading up to 30,000 itself in Santo Domingo in February movement, which had declared Haitian army met with a (cf. Hoetink 1982). The poorly provisioned forces at Azua and smaller guerrilla-style number of defeats against declared that deserters would be shot. other locations, and Hérard Dumesle had been left in charge of Port Meanwhile, his cousin Hérard unpopular pressMinister, and was sending Républicain, as Foreign proclamation blamed the gangs through the city. A presidential insurrection. The next day, Legislative Assembly for the Dominican Santo Domingo in February movement, which had declared Haitian army met with a (cf. Hoetink 1982). The poorly provisioned forces at Azua and smaller guerrilla-style number of defeats against declared that deserters would be shot. other locations, and Hérard Dumesle had been left in charge of Port Meanwhile, his cousin Hérard unpopular pressMinister, and was sending Républicain, as Foreign proclamation blamed the gangs through the city. A presidential insurrection. The next day, Legislative Assembly for the Dominican --- Page 154 --- 134 DemnocrueyAfier Slavery according to Ussher, 'the Chambers were taken itary force, the Municipality closed, and possession of'by a milauthorities ordered to shoulder their both legislators and civic they muskets and join the might more effectually serve the Country'.41 Army, where cially concerned by reports that the Dominican Ussher was espewith the French to become a rebels were negotiating tioned nearby, and they protectorate: the French fleet was stamillion dollars in were thought to have offered two to three exchange for use of the northern They may even have had port of Samana. designs on invading Haiti itself.42 Although the Salomon uprising of and the Salomons sent into exile August 1843 had been defeated Republic declared its in Jamaica, once the Dominican independence, the to attack Hérard, whose opportunity was again seized Assembly were resented. press-gangs and closure of the National make the black General Military unrest in the north became a plot to ment was supported Guerrier president of the Republic: this moveby a new rebellion in Aux "There is no doubt that the Cayes. Ussher reported, revival of the insurrection headed present movement in the South is the nected with the Dalzon affair in by Salomon in August last and conwar of caste, of negroes this City in September, that is to say a it emerged that the initial against mulattoes'. 43 Two weeks later, though, reports had been exaggerated: [TJhree fourths of the most respectable inhabitants Jamaica and other places, spreading fied to outrages committed at Aux Cayes. exaggerated reports of appears hitherto to have taken Nothing of the kind taken possession of on the 12th place.. Jérémie was also blacks, under a Colonel inst. by a large body of under divine inspiration. Desmoulines who pretends to act inhabitants As at Aux Cayes, the respectable fearing outrages, embarked and but no excesses appear to have been fled to this City. committed,4 The North has declared its the Presidency to General independence." reported Bird, and offered Gue[ririer. The ing on the capital, and declare that Southern citizens are marchGeneral Guer(rier (a black man) they will treat with none but positively refused to march and the citizens in the Capital to join the have In early May, the aged war hero General President'sa army'.45 President both in the north and in Port Guerrier was proclaimed was got up in his favor by several Républicain. after 'a conspiracy the clection of a black chief as the respectable Citizens, who considered to the Republic" 46 The only means of restoring citizens of the tranquility Guerrier president not by an election, but capital joined in proclaiming acclamations', Both of 'in the open air, with loud groups supporters published manifestos have In early May, the aged war hero General President'sa army'.45 President both in the north and in Port Guerrier was proclaimed was got up in his favor by several Républicain. after 'a conspiracy the clection of a black chief as the respectable Citizens, who considered to the Republic" 46 The only means of restoring citizens of the tranquility Guerrier president not by an election, but capital joined in proclaiming acclamations', Both of 'in the open air, with loud groups supporters published manifestos --- Page 155 --- from Liberal Revolution to Piquet Rebellion 135 The army of suferers: of, 300 and 150 announcing the coup. with signatures respectively, President Beaubrun Ardouin). The deposed leading citizens (including under house arrest. This immediate violence. but was put escaped however. was not a guarantee of democratic apparent black victory, in favour of the revolution conparticipation. and the peasant uprising halfin fear. halfin mockery, tinued in the south. As Reybaud put it, like Pierrot, like Dalzon, like Salomon, was only a Guerrier, came in the south a nègre, the humanitarian noir, but now from the school of Jean negro and handsome speaker in chief of the reclaFrançois. He was called Acaau, 'general at his mations of his concitoyens, he had gigantic spurs ankles, and, followed by a troop of bandits mostly naked pikes being short on rifles, he armed with sharpened innocents' wandered about, in the interest of 'the unhappy of national education,' as the towns and for 'the eventuality Acaau was the in terror at his approach. were depopulated in the name of the rural population, special spokesman slumber in which it had been plunged' wakened from the (d'Alaux 1860: 56). (and Nicholls agrees), the Piquet movement As Leslie Manigat argues of interests between big and medium was the fruit of the conjunction equally black' (cited black proprietors and small peasant parçellaires, in Nicholls 1996: 276n68). Jean-Jacques Acaau led the A former member of the rural police, for the Constitution, revolt of the army of sufferers' affirming respect that Acaau's proclamaLiberty'. 48 In spite of the fact Rights. Equality, that it is not, nor can it be a question, in any circumstance, tions asserted at the time, including both of a war of colour', elite commentators his actions as a 'caste war'. Acaau was Madiou and Ardouin, interpreted loan' and confiscating property from reported to be raising a forced his armed troops; he was mulatto merchants in Aux Cayes to pay poorly 49 In a number women and children. also said to have shot or imprisoned he called for the return of printed in the newspapers, of proclamations of the disbanded Twelfth the Salomons from exile, the reinstatement and he blamed the new government Regiment, and an end to martial law, 50 Ussher observed that Acaau is a for failing to live up to its promises." influence over his followinstruction fora negro, has great man of some Obeah [sic] practices, and affects the dress ers which he has acquired described by him as a bandit: of a labourer'31 Reybaud of 1844, the bandit Acaau came Following the black reaction of the parish, dressed in a barefoot to the wayside cross the reinstatement and he blamed the new government Regiment, and an end to martial law, 50 Ussher observed that Acaau is a for failing to live up to its promises." influence over his followinstruction fora negro, has great man of some Obeah [sic] practices, and affects the dress ers which he has acquired described by him as a bandit: of a labourer'31 Reybaud of 1844, the bandit Acaau came Following the black reaction of the parish, dressed in a barefoot to the wayside cross --- Page 156 --- 136 Democracy Afier Slavery and wearing a little straw species of canvas packing-sheet his clothing until hat, and there publicly vowed not to change executed. Then. the orders of 'divine Prowidence' convened were by the sound of turning towards the negro peasants 'divine Providence" ordered the lambi, Acaau explained that the mulattos. second to first to chase out the poor pcople, (d'Alaux 1860: 111). divide up the mulatto properties leader named Frère Joseph, who clarified He was backed by a religious distinctions alone, but distinctions that what was meant were not colour is worth repeating in its full form: of class or status. The famous phrase write is mulatto; the poor mulatto The rich Negro who can read and 1860: 112). The link to who cannot read nor write is Negro' (d'Alaux version ofthis quote is cited literacy is often skipped when a shortened it is crucial in regard to civil Trouillot 1990; Nicholls 1996), yet (cf. knew that literacy was a status boundary agency. Haitian peasants Thus, the Piquet them from civil and political participation. mulatto excluding aims than simply the seizure of property. movement had more in retrospect, to that of the Reybaud himself compares their ideology. movements of 1848, calling it 'negro communism": European the same role in Unhappy innocence' plays, for example. of man by of Acaau as 'the exploitation the proclamations The eventuality of man' in certain other proclamations. of Acaau's humanitarian national education," this other chord instruction'. corresponds visibly to "free and obligatory lyre, he reclaims in the name of the cultivators. and in SO far as in the price of who are the workers down there, 'reduction in the value of their foreign merchandise and augmentation found the clearest and the black socialist has certainly crops', 1 formula for this problem of the white most comprehensible of work and increase of salaries (d'Alaux Acaaus: reduction 1860: 115 [emphasis in original)). himself that "black communism would run aground Reybaud consoled moreellization of property' - It is like white communism on the extreme their enemies in class as well clear that the Haitian peasantry identified aims of colour terms. Theirs were the hybrid peasant/proletarian as social movements in the Caribbean. Their other post-emancipation against mulatto power, but against abuses grievances were not simply and the subversion of law, violations of the constitution of martial democracy. associated with the movement included Other peasant leaders were former soldiers), Jeannot Dugué Zamor and Jean Claude (who moreellization of property' - It is like white communism on the extreme their enemies in class as well clear that the Haitian peasantry identified aims of colour terms. Theirs were the hybrid peasant/proletarian as social movements in the Caribbean. Their other post-emancipation against mulatto power, but against abuses grievances were not simply and the subversion of law, violations of the constitution of martial democracy. associated with the movement included Other peasant leaders were former soldiers), Jeannot Dugué Zamor and Jean Claude (who --- Page 157 --- from Liberal Revolution to Piquet Rebellion 137 The army of sufferers: Antoine Pierre, Augustin Cyprien and a woman, Louise Moline, who is credited by some historians with organizing the moveNicolas, 1990: 70). A Methodist missionary in Jérémie ment (Bellegarde-Smith of sufferers', in which there were a great many described the 'army of different sorts of wood; they sharpened the men armed with sticks that wound which might edge, and applied poisonous gum to it. SO any The sticks were be would through the poison become SO. not dangerous. in feet 52 The Piquets defeated government troops from 8 to 10 long" Acaau's control of the battles at Les Cayes, Jérémie and I'Anse-à-Veau; to accept the south 'from Aquin to Petit-Goave', forced the government Acaau's followers were somewhat necessity of a black president. President, and he sent in his submismollified by the election of a black banishment of Hérard and sion to Guerrier, if two conditions were met: of the south. Hérard was suspension of General Lazau's command General of Division and exiled to Jamaica and Acaau was elevated to doubts ofthe arrondissement of Aux Cayes, despite grave Commandant the elite about his actions and intentions. among it became clear that this was only a ploy to Eventually, however. eroded Acaau's folcontain his influence; the government gradually the British Vice-Consul, lowers with "bribes and threats', 9 according to barricaded alone in his undermining his supporters until he was left and the south was house. The armée souffrante was finally defeated, Fabré-Nicolas back under the control of 'the mulatto general brought Jean-Baptiste Riché, both of whom later Geffrard and the black general 1990: 70). Acaau became president of the republic' (Bellegarde-Smith Guerrier, whom he apparently finally went to negotiate with President arrival, 'the mob followed him trusted. in Port Républicain; on his him in the street, but he moved shouting, and would have massacred and brought before a court quickly on a good mount'. . He was arrested and loss ofl his milimartial, but sentenced to only five years in prison his black followers in rank because 'they want tranquillity among tary Salomon, along with his family, was recalled the south'.54 General Guerrier; but rather than support the from Jamaican exile by President 'used their influence in the Piquets, the Salomons are judged to have of the Acaau movement in South to contribute to the neutralization according to Manigat, had 1844' (Moïse 1988. 206). The Salomons. of the men of color, for having "acquired the reputation of adversaries of the skin... From this denounced what they called the aristocracy with the double face of epoch already, Lysius Salomon jeune appeared masses of the south' black leader and of porte-parole of the peasant Senator, the Moïse 1988: 206). Salomon became a signed (quoted in constitution of 1846 and was an influential minister less democratic the democratization for which the under Soulouque. He never sought 1988. 206). The Salomons. of the men of color, for having "acquired the reputation of adversaries of the skin... From this denounced what they called the aristocracy with the double face of epoch already, Lysius Salomon jeune appeared masses of the south' black leader and of porte-parole of the peasant Senator, the Moïse 1988: 206). Salomon became a signed (quoted in constitution of 1846 and was an influential minister less democratic the democratization for which the under Soulouque. He never sought --- Page 158 --- 138 Democracy Afier Slavery Piquets had fought, but became an important advocate position in Haitian political of a 'noiriste' thought. The democratic opportunity was slammed shut. - window of Although Hérard had gone into exile in Jamaica, he porters still attempted to overturn the and his supin an armed schooner in May 1845, government: he sailed for Haiti from his but after an aborted party were arrested and some executed. 55 coup, many Smith points out, the outcome of the As Bellegardecynical 'politique de doublure', in Piquet Revolt was not only the really controlled by powerful which an apparent black leader was extraordinary mulattoes behind the scenes, but also 'an outpouring of reactionary control' including the literary justification for elite and Madiou, both of which major histories of Haiti written by Ardouin favoured cultural Western' norms underelite assimilation of blacks to Writers like Lepelletier de tutelage (Bellegarde-Smith 1990: 70, 56). no longer awaits its salute Saint-Rémy from argued that [tJhe new society yesterday. Barely these terrible civilizers, the slaves of knowing how to read, and pursuit ofabuses. in all the rude franchise marching proudly in black race had a role to fulfil in as much ofa primitive despotism, the force was as the intervention of brutal necessary: today that force must unite gence, and for that the black race must itself with intelli- (Saint-Rémy 1845: 683). He return to the second rank' whites to Haiti, for 'without the recommended the introduction of more nothing will contact of whites, nothing will develop, and the law which grow, country decrees barbarity" (Saint-Rémy proscribes them from a This failure to unite the radical 1845: 684). destroyed the Haitian democratic intelligentsia and the peasantry the subsequent republican project. and contributed to emergence of Faustin as rejected republican institutions and Soulouque Emperor, who repression on the liberal mulatto faction. eventually unleashed violent blacks over mulattoes, but the This was not the triumph of potentially democratic alliance triumph of statist autocracy over the with of radical segments ofthe peasants and cultivators. Yet, the bourgeoisie influence Haitian popular politics for Piquets would continue to was again banished to Jamaica decades to come. Lysius Salomon Emperor by President Geffrard, who Soulouque; when his older brother succeeded against Geffrard in 1862, he was attempted an insurrection dozen others. This caught and executed along with sparked a series of a January 1865, in 1866-67 and 1868 piquettiste movements' in insurrection was that of Salnave in (Moïse 1988). The most important November 1865, which Cap Haitien, from May south,56 We shall nearly became a civil war between through see below the north and to the contemporaneous Morant significance ofthese events in relation Bay Rebellion. 2, he was attempted an insurrection dozen others. This caught and executed along with sparked a series of a January 1865, in 1866-67 and 1868 piquettiste movements' in insurrection was that of Salnave in (Moïse 1988). The most important November 1865, which Cap Haitien, from May south,56 We shall nearly became a civil war between through see below the north and to the contemporaneous Morant significance ofthese events in relation Bay Rebellion. --- Page 159 --- Liberal Revolution 10 Piquet Rebellion 139 The army ofsufferers: from became president of Haiti in 1879, yet we know much about Salomon the fate of the Piquets. the followers of the peasant-leader less Acaau. As Moïse writes: One has spoken of the manipulation of the peasants (Cacos of in the South) and of the cynical use in the North, Piquets fractions of the bourgeoisie and by the question of colour by these incidents politicians in their battle for power. Beyond struggle. it is time to reflect on the specificity of the political The piquettiste wave of 1868 was ofthe peasant movements. Each time, the interventions came in the third since 1844. crisis within the ruling classes, periods of sharp political the bourgeoisie provoking reactions of panic not only among the West. If the of the South. but also among those of clear claims (revendications) of the piquets appear agrarian claims, their mode of organand precise, their political are not well known. ization, and their methods of struggle, 1988: 169). Piquettisme still awaits its historian (Moïse from Acaau suggest some clues to The documents that come directly They attempted to use ideology and organization. the Piquets" political address, publicizing and justifying their democratic means of political such as Le Manifeste. and claims in proclamations and in newspapers constitution of 1843. They mobilclaiming to uphold the democratic with religious leaders and ized supporters through public gatherings, utilized the content to the message. They symbolically some spiritual to show in actions the kind of dress and language of the peasantry, about in words. equality and participation they were speaking then, should not be The failure of democracy at this conjuncture, incoherence arising out of a interpreted as the result of ideological The timing, form, reactionary and disorganized pre-modern setting. all a class and demands of the Piquets suggest and stated grievances with democratic aims and a clear criand colour conscious movement, and unmitigated control of domination tique of landowner-merchant movement because it the state. We can call this a democratization and anti-slavery movecarried on in the tradition of the anti-colonial the farthest 'left ments of the late eighteenth century, and represents its location outside of the wing' of democratic republicanism. despite democratic outcome goes core. Its failure to achieve a metropolitan of the Haitian state, and the continual supback to the militarization and contention. The pression of public means of communication ideologies, nor was neither unaware of democratic Haitian peasantry however, the structural conditions particularly enamoured of caudillos; citizens and the state in postcommunication between of political carried on in the tradition of the anti-colonial the farthest 'left ments of the late eighteenth century, and represents its location outside of the wing' of democratic republicanism. despite democratic outcome goes core. Its failure to achieve a metropolitan of the Haitian state, and the continual supback to the militarization and contention. The pression of public means of communication ideologies, nor was neither unaware of democratic Haitian peasantry however, the structural conditions particularly enamoured of caudillos; citizens and the state in postcommunication between of political --- Page 160 --- 140 Democracy After Slavery colonial Haiti favoured armed groups over civil associations. The bitter paradox of Haitian history is thatits successful revolutionary struggle left the with all the tools for democto overcome slavery new,republic but one, and that the most fundamental subordination of the racy military to civil control. Notes 1 On the Dominican War of Independence, sec Frank Moya Pons, "The Land Question in Haiti and Santo Domingo: The Sociopolitical Context ofthe Transition from Slavery to Free Labor, 1801-1843'.in Between Slavery and Free Labor: The Spanish-Speaking Caribbean in tle 19th Century, ed. Frank Moya Pons and Stanley Engerman (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1985): Nicholls, From Dessalines t0 Duvalier, 79-82; FO35/28, British Consul Ussher to Foreign Office; FO 35/29, Republica Dominicana, various documents. 1844. 2 There is no single monograph focusing on this period. but most interpretations refer to a conflict of colour leading to a 'politique of doublure" in which black presidents became front men for the mulatto elite. Sce, for example. Nicholls. From Dessalines to Duvalier; Michel-Rolph Trouillot, Haiti: State Against Nation (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1990); and Patrick Bellegarde- Smith. Haiti: Tle Breached Citadel (London and Boulder: Westview Press, 1990). 3 Le Patriote, no. 51, 4 May 1843. 4 L'Eclaireur, no. 1. 5 Aug. 1818. Cf.Nicholls. Fron Dessalines to Duvalier, 7. 5 L'Abeille, no. 3, 1 Sept. 1818. 6 A generation gap was important, but the opposition bristled at charges of youthful over-zealousness: many were in their 30s. while Boyer's supporters were old enough to have fought in the War of Independence (Le Patriote, no. 43, 21 Dec. 1842). d'État, 7 AMAE, C.C.C., Port-au-Prince, Vol. 4, Consul Cerfberr to Secrétaire no. 12(10May 1838) and no. 15 (10June 1838). 8 FO 35/21, Captain Courtenay to Viscount Palmerston, 24 Oct. 1839. 9 Le Manifeste, Vol. 1, no. 26, 26 Sept. 1841. 10 Le Manifeste, no. 38, 19 Dec. 1841.enclosed in FO 35/24, Vice Consul Ussher to Lord Aberdeen, 21 Dec. 1841. 11 Le Patriote, no. 34. 19 Oct. 1842. 12 Ibid. 13 Le Manifeste. Vol. 2. no. 41, 29 Jan. 1843. 14 FO 35/25, Ussher to Lord Aberdeen, 20 Apr. 1842. 15 Le Patriote, no. 7, 13 Apr. 1842. 16 Morning Journal, 13 June 1842. 17 FO35/25. Ussher to Lord Aberdeen, 5 Mar. 1842. 18 The crisis was compounded when a powerful carthquake destroyed Cap Haitien on the 7th of May, 1842, killing about six thousand pcople. There was no government response and the ruined city was pillaged by armed gangs from the countryside (FO 35/25, Ussher to Lord Abcrdeen, 17 May 1842). 19 FO 35/27. Ussher to Admiralty. 25 Jan. 1843, encl. in Admiralty to FO, 22 Mar. 1843. 20 The fire hit the business district where the market women, or marchandes, kept shops. They were 'nearly all burnt out and, possessing no other security than their good faith, arc utterly unable to fulfill even a portion of their engagements'. response and the ruined city was pillaged by armed gangs from the countryside (FO 35/25, Ussher to Lord Abcrdeen, 17 May 1842). 19 FO 35/27. Ussher to Admiralty. 25 Jan. 1843, encl. in Admiralty to FO, 22 Mar. 1843. 20 The fire hit the business district where the market women, or marchandes, kept shops. They were 'nearly all burnt out and, possessing no other security than their good faith, arc utterly unable to fulfill even a portion of their engagements'. --- Page 161 --- from Liberal Revolution to Piquet Rebellion 141 The army of sufferers: from their debts to foreign mercantile houses according to Ussher. Losses arising Ussher to Lord Aberdeen. 14 Jan. 1843). were estimated at $840,000 (FO35/26. du comité de Jérémie, 15janvier 1843. in 21 Hérard aîné to Honoré Féry. président Michlle Oriol [Port-au-Prince: Henri Thomas Madiou, Histoire d'Haiti, ed. Hérard was a cousin of Hérard Dumesle, Deschamps, 1988] Vol.7.p.436. Charles Secretary after the revolution editor. poet and senator. who became Foreign (Nicholls. From Dessalines 10 Duvalier). 22 FO 35/26, Ussher to Lord Aberdeen, 15 Feb. 1843. Committee of the 35/27.1 Lord Elgin to Lord Stanley, 16 Feb. 1843, enclosing 23 FO Jeremie) to Governor of Jamaica, 7 Feb. 1843. People (Provisional Government. H. M. Scylla. to Admiralty, enclosed in 24 FO 35/27. Commander Robert Sharpe, Admiralty to Foreign Office, 21 Apr. 1843. Secretaries, 14 Mar. 1843 (sent via WMMS, West Indies Corr., Haiti, Bird to 25 H. M. Scylla. the ship that carried Boyer to Jamaica). 6 Dec. 1843 (from PortWest Indies Corr., Haiti, Hartwell to Secretaries, 26 WMMS, au-Prince. now 'Port Républicain"). mothers and sisters of the National Guard 27 According to another version, the wives, When they insisted blocked their route when they were called out. Boyerappeared, himself at their head'. (AN, would not let go the soldiers unless he put that they GGI1.1. Baudin Papers. letter of 29 Mar. 1843). Archives Marines, Aberdeen, 4 Apr. 1865. This is as close to a description 28 FO35/26 Ussher to Lord finds in Haiti at this time. but it was exceptional if of a charismatic caudillo as one and followed it. compared to the long presidencies that preceded 29 Le Manifeste, Vol. 3, no. 1,9. Apr. 1843. 30 Le Manifeste. Vol. 3, no. 1,9 Apr. 1843. 31 Le Manifeste, Vol. 3, no. 2, 16 Apr. 1843. black marchande, and that racial tenMadiou reports that Salomon' S mother was a "fille de couleur' turned down his marriage sions were exacerbated when a young Colour distinctions were closely (Madiou. Histoire d'Haiti, Vol. 7, p. 521). choices. For an request of class and status distinction through marriage tied to patterns Martinez Alier, Marriage. Class and Colourit interesting comparison. see Verena Arbor: University of Michigan Press, Nineteenth Century Cuba, 2nd ed., (Ann 1989). Vol. 3, no. 21,3 Sept. 1843. 33 Le Manifeste, 1843. 34 Le Patriote, no. 13, 10 Aug. 35 Le Patriote, no. 'Haiti, Vol. 7, p. 521). choices. For an request of class and status distinction through marriage tied to patterns Martinez Alier, Marriage. Class and Colourit interesting comparison. see Verena Arbor: University of Michigan Press, Nineteenth Century Cuba, 2nd ed., (Ann 1989). Vol. 3, no. 21,3 Sept. 1843. 33 Le Manifeste, 1843. 34 Le Patriote, no. 13, 10 Aug. 35 Le Patriote, no. 17, 14 Oct. 1843. Oct. 1843, encl. in Admiraity, 23 Jan. 1844. 36 FO 35/29, Ussher to Admiralty, 18 1843. Vol.3, no. 16, 23July of 6 Mar. 37 Le Manifeste. 7 Mar. 1844. encl. in Ussher to Earl Aberdeen, 38 FO 35/28, Le Progrès, 1844. Ussher to Lord Aberdeen, 5 Jan. 1844. 39 FO35/28. General Corr., Usshert to Lord Aberdeen, 23 Feb. 1844. 40 FO 35/28, General Corr., 1844. 41 FO 35/28, Ussher to FO,5 Apr. first President of the Dominican Republic. General Pedro Santa Anna became the 23 Oct. 1844; 23 Dec. Ussher to FO, 22 Aug. 1844; 21 Sept. 1844; See FO 35/28, Republica Dominicana, 1844. 1844; and FO 35/29, Documents 7 Apr. 1844. 43 FO 35/28, Ussher to Lord Aberdeen, 1844. With this flight to Jamaica and Ussher to Lord Aberdeen, 21 Apr. to 44 FO 35/28, of black uprisings in Haiti filtered through unrest over the next four years, news influenced their actions and attitudes in 1848. the Afro-Jamaican peasantry and Bird to Secretaries. 7 May 1844. 45 WMMS, West Indies Corr., Haiti, --- Page 162 --- 142 Democracy Afier Slavery 46 FO 35/28. Ussher to Lord Aberdeen, 7 May 1844. 47 WMMS, West Indies Corr., Haiti, Bird to Secretaries, 7 May 1844. 48 FO 35/28, Ussher to Lord Aberdeen, 2 May 1844, encl. *Ordre du Jour' of J. Acaau, 23 Apr. 1844. 1844. encl. Lt. C. Jenkins to 49 FO 35/28. Ussher to Lord Aberdeen, 2 May Cpt. Elliot, 27 Apr. 1844. 50 Let Manifeste, Vol. 3, no. 52, 26 May 1844. dress is also 51 FO35/28, Ussher to Lord Aberdeen, 24 May 1844. Acaau's peasant suggestive of the figure of the Vodou Iwa related to agricultural work, Cousin Azaka, who appears as a peasant, in a straw hat, and protects the interests of the rural labourer (Laennec Hurbon, Voodoo: Truth and Fantasy. trans. L. Frankel (London: Thames and Hudson, 1995], pp. 79, 99). 52 WMMS, West Indies Corr., Haiti, Bauduy to Secretaries. 24 May 1844. 53 FO35/28. Ussher to Lord Aberdeen. 24 May 1844: and 23 June 1844. 35/28, to FO, 23 1844; 8 Aug. 1844: 21 Sept. 54 FO Vice-Consul Thompson July 55 WMMS, 1844. West Indies Corr., Haiti, Bird to Secretaries, 8 Apr. 1845. 56 Geffrard was supported by the British. but the rebels in the Cap tried to tempt the U.S. into supporting them by offering the Mole St. Nicolas in exchange. The revolt failed after the British fleet bombarded Cap Haitien on November 9 1865. losing (Claude Moïse, Constitutions et Luttes de Pouvoir en Haiti (1804-1987), one ship below. Vol. 1 [Quebec: CIDIHCA, 1988]. 146); and see Conclusion Bird to Secretaries, 8 Apr. 1845. 56 Geffrard was supported by the British. but the rebels in the Cap tried to tempt the U.S. into supporting them by offering the Mole St. Nicolas in exchange. The revolt failed after the British fleet bombarded Cap Haitien on November 9 1865. losing (Claude Moïse, Constitutions et Luttes de Pouvoir en Haiti (1804-1987), one ship below. Vol. 1 [Quebec: CIDIHCA, 1988]. 146); and see Conclusion --- Page 163 --- Part three Jamaica: "Colour for Colour' (He] said to the people without they come together, and go down to Morant Bay in lump. to let the white people see there was plenty black in the island, it WaS nO use at all, and cry out that they don't mean to pay any more ground rent again; and after twenty-seven years in freedom the outside land was given to then a long tine, and the white people kept it to themselves. That is what I heard him say'. (JRC, Part 2, 1866, p. 165, Evidence of William Anderson on a public speech by James McLaren, a leader of the Morant Bay Rebellion). --- Page 164 --- --- Page 165 --- Black publics and freedom peasant in post-emancipation Jamaica The Liberty Tree' that adopted for a tropical appears on the Haitian national Tree also context from the French symbol makes an appearance in revolutionary Liberty tions. John Woolridge ofthe London Jamaica's emancipation celebra- 'First of August' festival of 1839, in Missionary Society described the one hundred children was witnessed which a public examination of bringing a tear to their by an assembly of their the eyes. After buns and parents, coconut palm that they had planted the lemonade, they watered liberty. Another year before as a symbol of missionary wrote that his cocoanut tree, the emblem of liberty congregation also 'planted a by some ofthe gentlemen in the this had been pulled up since, and as one of the people remarked, neighbourhood, we have replanted it, can't take away we August".21 In "they pull up we tree, but them education, such addition to the evident of struggles over importance of non-cconomic factors symbols indicate the deeper in marking the transition out significance building a new society. of slavery and We have seen above how the decline of Jamaica allowed for the emergence of planter domination in public among free men of colour This an elite, literate, oppositional developed its own indigenous Jamaican public newspapers to influence petitioning to make claims on the public opinion, utilized free people of colour even government regarding the rights of prior to the abolition of controversially, gave support to Haiti as a slavery, and, more lic. As Gordon K. Lewis argues, the fold self-governing black repubmonopolist, and white colonial official groups of planter, merchant in economic power and social were gradually superseded both vator, peasant status, by the new groups of creole cultifarmer, and native politician' (Lewis chapter moves on to the development of 1968: 72). This post-emancipation period and plebeian publics in the explores the self-consciously fashioned 'black claim-making styles of political participation in Jamaica publics'. The emergence of popular will be analyzed according to the --- Page 166 --- 146 Democracy Afier Slavery same framework uscd in the case of Haiti: the of peasant cconomic, political and civil tri-partite development My overall aim is to show that there ageney. Jamaica, some with a strongly 'Black' were multiple publics in "British' identity. In contrast to Haiti, there or African", though still nels of communication between were well-established chanthe local and metropolitan peasant-citizens and the state, both at between Afro-Jamaican levels; moreover, there were numerous ties Afro-Jamaicans publics and the wider British did not learn' democratic public. cd in the case of Haiti: the of peasant cconomic, political and civil tri-partite development My overall aim is to show that there ageney. Jamaica, some with a strongly 'Black' were multiple publics in "British' identity. In contrast to Haiti, there or African", though still nels of communication between were well-established chanthe local and metropolitan peasant-citizens and the state, both at between Afro-Jamaican levels; moreover, there were numerous ties Afro-Jamaicans publics and the wider British did not learn' democratic public. Yet, British tutelage. Rather, they seized political culture from forward their own vision of freedom. on structural opportunities to push elite forms of political On the one hand, they adopted in communication such as public petitioning an effort to expand meetings and freedom. This widening of peasant control and defend their Baptist missionaries who democratic repertoires was mediated by tion from slavery to helped their congregations make the transihand, there were also apprenticeship, and then to freedom. On the other potentially more violent protest and 'riotous bargaining' undercurrents of labour The British abolition always threatening to break out.3 emergence movement was a major ofa new national field of public component in the (Tilly 1995a). Abolitionists opinion in Great Britain public meetings, were especially effective in mobilizing petitioning, forming inventing other symbolic forms of corresponding societies and boycotts of slave-grown expressing public opinion. such as a whole range of sugar. As Drescher argues, lijn agitational techniques and devcloping [anti-slavery] primarily expanded the tactics and symbolic forms, non-violent public opinion' (Drescher the social base of were well aware of the powerful 1982: 47). Colonial populations tention on political impact of these repertoires of conown missionaries in decision-making, them. It is and of the involvement of their of agitation were taken not surprising. then, that these methods ical rights. Yet, there up by ex-slaves in their push for civil and were also points of politJamaicans drew on their own culture, departure where Afrounique relationship to the colonial styles of communication and tices. British state to develop new political repertoires of contention prachad to be reworked from the could not be lifted in toto, but a colonial wing of the position ofthe former slave in state. relation to This chapter traces the rise of ment of plebeian publics in peasant agency and the developeconomic agency as seen in post-emancipation the forms of Jamaica. and were also points of politJamaicans drew on their own culture, departure where Afrounique relationship to the colonial styles of communication and tices. British state to develop new political repertoires of contention prachad to be reworked from the could not be lifted in toto, but a colonial wing of the position ofthe former slave in state. relation to This chapter traces the rise of ment of plebeian publics in peasant agency and the developeconomic agency as seen in post-emancipation the forms of Jamaica. It begins with and labour protest that mobility, labour the mid-1840s. developed from the period of bargaining The next section focuses on apprenticeship to from voting, public meetings and peasant political agency, petitioning to forms of riotous --- Page 167 --- and peasant, freedom in post-emancipation Jamaica 147 Black publics considers civil agency, from relibargaining. The final section peasant autonomous subalgious and voluntary associations to the increasingly traditions of the that emerged out of the African-rooted tern publics Revival. Each of these features of publicNative Baptists and Myalist the emergence of the ity in Jamaica will be important to understanding Rebellion which followed it. Underhill Movement and the Morant Bay Peasant economic agency period, it is important to keep in Although our focus is the post-slavery during slavery and gathmind that labour bargaining in Jamaica began Even workers with ered momentum during the apprenticeship period. work-stoppage or group could attempt collective protest, no rights effect walk-outs) from the semi-industrial sugar 'petit marronage' (in some degree of organization.4 plantations, all of which required rebellion have been recognized Various forms ofslave resistance and cireumstances) for later (within constricted as important precedents (Bakan 1990; Craton 1982; Cross & strategies of labour bargaining Turner, for example, found in Heuman 1988; Hart 1980, 1985). Mary of collective action by Jamaican slaves: her study of grievCollective withdrawal of labour, the presentation mediation ances and the use by owners and managers of slaves by 1770. Group action by were methods developed was also used, notably by women, with particular grievances Skilled and confidential slaves and secured positive results. and the head men... emerge as pioneered these processes organisers of group and collecinstigators and, by inference, tive action (Turner 1988: 26). findings to emerge from comparaIndeed, one of the most significant workers. but fall categories of tive evidence is that not only wage of collective labour bargaining workerin the Americas practiced forms labourers' (Turner 1995: customarily associated with industrial wage clearly had roots 1). Collective action in the post-emancipation Bakan period also argues that 'a in this earlier organizing by slaves. Abigail the Jamaican ideology of class resistance has characterized the of postpersistent the of slavery, through period labour force from period and into the era of modern emancipation peasant development, working-class activity' (Bakan 1990: 4). legislation to abolish slavery The British Parliament finally passed One of the most in 1834 and instituted a period of "apprenticeship' Judicial oversight of the changes was in the sphere of justice. immediate -emancipation Bakan period also argues that 'a in this earlier organizing by slaves. Abigail the Jamaican ideology of class resistance has characterized the of postpersistent the of slavery, through period labour force from period and into the era of modern emancipation peasant development, working-class activity' (Bakan 1990: 4). legislation to abolish slavery The British Parliament finally passed One of the most in 1834 and instituted a period of "apprenticeship' Judicial oversight of the changes was in the sphere of justice. immediate --- Page 168 --- 148 Democracy Afier Slavery Magistrates (instead of the earlier operation of apprenticeship' by Special planters) created a of Justices of the Peace who were invariably not least system structure for adjudication of labour disputes, somewhat fairer violence from the hands of former by removing the legitimate use of more objective and placing it in (supposedly) masters and overseers, remained harsh. plantation state institutions. Although discipline terms of labourand the right to workers for the first time had contractual neutral judge. It is evident complain of their treatment before a relatively immediately, even if complaints took up this right that many apprentices in the work-house, with its hated treadmill were met with imprisonment and Harvey 1838). There was also a (Holt 1992; Sewell 1861; Sturge this great experiment. - and great deal of public attention focused on in Britain sent their own both pro-slavery and anti-slavery organizations in the West Indies. The Quaker investigators to report on conditions Harvey, who travelled through abolitionists Joseph Sturge and Thomas brought one apprentice. Jamaica collecting accounts from first-hand apprentices. witness to abusive treatment James Williams, to England as a then. apprentices had of apprentices. 6 Despite continuing semi-bondage. 'voice' than had slaves.? a far more public Haiti, claims to land were one of the most In Jamaica, as in political contention. and even important points of post-emancipation inalienable family land' became cherthe tiniest plots of heritable but down to all descendants through ished symbols of freedom, passed (Besson 1979. 1993. 1995). unrestricted cognatic kinship networks had carved out traditional use plantation workers Even during slavery, grounds. stamping their own rights to particular houses and provision (Higman 1988). Such conceptual schemas on the built environment land rights', argues Besson, of economic significance. providing some were not only and a bargaining position independence from the plantations them. but also symbolfor higher wages when working on among the descenized freedom, personhood. and prestige land was] a dynamic dants of former slaves.. [Family themselves in cultural creation by Caribbean peasantries (Besson 1993: resistant response to the plantation system' 22,27). in Jamaica did not immediWidespread evidence shows that ex-slaves customary *use rights' ately flec the estates, but struggled to maintain Hall argues, the 'movethey had won, however marginal. As Douglas ex-slaves from the estates in the immediate postemancipament of the from the horrors of slavery. It was a protest tion years was not a flight "freedom" (D. Hall 11978] 1993: 62). against the inequities of early (Besson 1993: resistant response to the plantation system' 22,27). in Jamaica did not immediWidespread evidence shows that ex-slaves customary *use rights' ately flec the estates, but struggled to maintain Hall argues, the 'movethey had won, however marginal. As Douglas ex-slaves from the estates in the immediate postemancipament of the from the horrors of slavery. It was a protest tion years was not a flight "freedom" (D. Hall 11978] 1993: 62). against the inequities of early --- Page 169 --- in Jamaica 149 Black publics and peasant, freedom post-emancipation control land and labour created the context for the Struggle to rose distinctive citinegotiation of freedom. and out ofthis bargaining culture identities and black publics. A vibrant peasant political zenship workers' protest activities and the assoemerged from both plantation giving impetus to movements prociational life of cultivators' villages, friendly societies and moting land distribution, cooperative marketing, churches facilitated ambitious programmes for political reform. Baptist meetings of negotiations over labour contracts by organizing public 'class to unfair practices and protest apprentices to respond collectively these issues, identities and movelegislation' by planters. In Haiti, did not matter, but because ments were far less clear not because they with which to activate colthey did not have the institutional channels There was no *transmission lective identities and press public claims. belt' to translate collective protest into public policy. of emancipation Extensive disputes in the immediate aftermath and rent of houses and over labour issues such as wages, hours of work became the context for provision grounds on the sugar plantations, economy debate over alternative directions for the post-slavery Orpublic 1986). The first meetings of apprentices were in Jamaica (Wilmot in reaction to rumours circulating among ganized by missionaries 1838, that fieldworkers intended to stop planters in the spring of differed for fieldworkworking in August. The terms ofapprenticeship. workers ("non-praedials"). and skilled and domestic ers ("praedials") for full freedom on the lst of August, 1838, with the latter scheduled until 1840. These initial meetings and the former expected to wait unrest at its source and seem to have been organized to quell any free. As reports of demonstrate good faith on the part ofthe soon-to-be Walter Dendy show, organized by the Baptist Reverend one meeting the aims were initially conciliatory: MEETING of about two thousand Apprentices at At a following resolution Salter's Hill Chapel, St. James...the has been adopted: Having heard a report was unanimously in the parish of circulated that the praedial apprentices next; we, the St. James will not work after the 1st August Hill, under the pasMembers and Congregation of Salter's Missionary, toral charge of the Rev. Walter Dendy, Baptist and malicious Libel RESOLVE - That this report is a false but we us, as we never had such thoughts or intentions; upon for our Masters, SO long as the are willing to work as usual although we would rather be present law continues in force, resolution be forwarded to free: and that a copy of this Glenelg, Colonial Sir Lionel Smith, Governor; Lord St. James will not work after the 1st August Hill, under the pasMembers and Congregation of Salter's Missionary, toral charge of the Rev. Walter Dendy, Baptist and malicious Libel RESOLVE - That this report is a false but we us, as we never had such thoughts or intentions; upon for our Masters, SO long as the are willing to work as usual although we would rather be present law continues in force, resolution be forwarded to free: and that a copy of this Glenelg, Colonial Sir Lionel Smith, Governor; Lord --- Page 170 --- 150 DemocrucyAier Slavery the Rev. John Dyer, Scerctary of the Baptist Secretary: and to Missionary Society." a forum for popular expressions Public meetings likc this one provided its aims of reassurance, it of hopes and desires for the future; despite desire for full freedom. The difficult to restrain the assurwas obviously would rather be free', sandwiched into this phrase although we aspirations. It is also ance to obcy the law, belies the prevailing to protect themselves significant that the apprentices felt compelled their resolutions to the from libel and felt entitled to send publicly highest levels. 'between 3 and 4000 of the praedial A meeting attended by Chapel in Montego Bay on the apprentice population' at the Baptist messages of both 12th of May, 1838, likewise proffered contradictory were summarized and challenge. The resolutions adopted of the appeasement of *the determination in the Morning Journal as declaratory their course in obeapprentices industriously and peaceably to pursue the word of God, and dience to the laws of the land, and agreeably Yet to the actual printed prothe instructions received from their pastors' . used much show that the deacons, members and congregation ceedings stronger language: That whenever it suits the wisdom and Resolved 3rdly and of our legal Rulers to grant us a perfectly equal policy in the laws, we shall hail the day as one of just participation and although we feel that our brightest in human prosperity: immunities of free subjects without we are entitled to all the by the distinction, yet we are determined not to be betrayed but schemes of our adversaries into acts of insubordination: 10 to pursue our course industriously and peaceably." violence and insubordination. the resolution makes Though eschewing frustrated entitlement. The meeting also clear the popular sense of to send its resolureached out to a wider political audience. resolving and the to the Governor, the Colonial Secretary tions not only Society, but also to several famous Secretary of the Baptist Missionary Lord Brougham and Joseph abolitionists: the Marquess of Sligo, published in Jamaican Sturge. They also wanted their proceedings and The as wcll as British ones (The British Emancipator newspapers. with an international audience in Patriot). These meetings, staged mind, went far beyond local grievances. that Rev. Thomas Burchell The Morning Journal also reported I have thought that you told a meeting of apprentices in Montego Bay. sentishould communicate, by a public meeting, you[r] yourselves Missionary Lord Brougham and Joseph abolitionists: the Marquess of Sligo, published in Jamaican Sturge. They also wanted their proceedings and The as wcll as British ones (The British Emancipator newspapers. with an international audience in Patriot). These meetings, staged mind, went far beyond local grievances. that Rev. Thomas Burchell The Morning Journal also reported I have thought that you told a meeting of apprentices in Montego Bay. sentishould communicate, by a public meeting, you[r] yourselves --- Page 171 --- in post-emancipation Jamaica 151 Black publics and peasant, freedom to the Colonial Minister, and your friends here ments to the Governor, full the classic and in England' . 11 Thus, even before emancipation, - public British forms of political communication and claim-making the entire Afroand petitioning - were being extended to meeting serving as brokers between Jamaican population, with missionaries officials and wider metroisolated rural populations. local newspapers, of whom had led efforts to politan publics. These missionaries. many to abolish slavery, and some of whom were opposed apprenticeship, as they themselves caught between ex-slaves and ex-masters found and workers to help ensure a tried to mediate between estate managers Wilmot notes, missionaries fair transition to wage labour. As Swithin them with a constitu- 'mobilized the mass of ex-slaves; [and] provided show their dissatistional forum in chapels and open-air meetings, to legislature" faction with the Acts' passed by the planter-dominated of free people of 1977: 111). In addition, the earlier example (Wilmot and petitions to lobby for their rights colour using circulars, meetings for this broadening of political had also laid the necessary groundwork participation. 12 for both praedial and When the campaign to end apprenticeship 1838, was successful, workers on the lst of August, non-praedial of full freedom was accompanied by public announcement in July hereafter, the First of August became meetings and lavish celebrations; in the Morning Journal in July an annual public holiday. A report addressed a crowd of about two noted that Governor Smith had of the Court House at headmen' from the balcony hundred 'negro forth the duties that would devolve Halfway Tree in Kingston, setting and cheered 13 The crowd listened respectfully on the free apprentices". heard by the Governor. Some him, then made their own specches to their 'benefactors' and apprentices raised subscriptions for gifts of "delegates' and to present them. The selection formed delegations events attests to the already wellthe role of headmen in such public the apprentices. based on the developed leadership structures among hierarchies of the plantations. Some status distinctions and work-gang leaders, and it may have been through headmen were Baptist class mobilized such good turnouts for their them that the Baptist churches meetings. work to celebrate their emancipation. As freed people stopped out of the small were attended by crowds overflowing involved mectings In some cases, these meetings chapels in which they gathered. reported back to local delegates from various estates, who presumably indicate that these gatherings on the results of the meetings. Reports also dealt with pressing they meetings were not simply celebratory; to questions of justice. Just a concerns and turned almost immediately through headmen were Baptist class mobilized such good turnouts for their them that the Baptist churches meetings. work to celebrate their emancipation. As freed people stopped out of the small were attended by crowds overflowing involved mectings In some cases, these meetings chapels in which they gathered. reported back to local delegates from various estates, who presumably indicate that these gatherings on the results of the meetings. Reports also dealt with pressing they meetings were not simply celebratory; to questions of justice. Just a concerns and turned almost immediately --- Page 172 --- 152 Democracy After Slavery thousands of the Apprentices of few days after emancipation. 'some in Falmouth: Hanover' met at the Baptist Chapel night there could not have been At the meeting on Thursdag present: most of less than two thousand five hundred persons of the estates in this these were delegates from the majority The rapturous of them came from St. James's. parish; many followed the observations of the bursts of applause which like music to our ears Justice several speakers sounded will have', secmed to be the to Jamaica' and Justice we the meeting wish and the determination of everyone present: one which we shall not easily forget. was altogether to mobilize and claim their rights. Only These freedmen were prepared that had followed the on from the deadly repression seven years would have been strong in the minds of the "Baptist War', injustice won, though. and worker of St. James. Justice was not easily people would be crucial in opposing the power of planters. own solidarity ended, planters were holding their Even before apprenticeship fixed scale of wages:; collusion in setting meetings to discuss setting a were already well in place by low wages and restricting labour mobility the labour market. With the were ready to enter the time apprentices abandoned, sugar plantation workers quickly apprenticeship experiment of-wage rates and ground turned their attention to the fair negotiation demand of higher wages across rent, including organized strikes in evidence that newly freed plantamany parishes. There is widespread in the immediate tion workers effectively utilized collective bargaining from estate managers post-emancipation period to wrest concessions have been most effective (Turner 1995; Wilmot 1984). This appears to for several months in where all work was stopped in St. Mary's parish, "strike'. In other areas, workers negotiwhat newspapers designated a but only if certain condiated contracts based on wages of Is. per day. were reports indicate that some people tions were met. Newspaper offered by most planters, but willing to work for the one shilling a day In what came to be known others were holding out for 2s. 6d.15 terms', one not without irony) as the *Oxford and Cambridge (perhaps first class workers if they were guaranshilling per day was accepted by special pay for skilled teed rent-free houses and provision grounds, watchmen for the remote of medical services and workers, provision also allowed workers to work only four mountain grounds. The terms harvesting time; this was an important days per week outside of crop to cultivate their concession because it allowed time for wage-workers This agrecand possibly market the produce. own provision grounds forty-one properties (Wilmot 1984). ment was reportedly adopted by the *Oxford and Cambridge (perhaps first class workers if they were guaranshilling per day was accepted by special pay for skilled teed rent-free houses and provision grounds, watchmen for the remote of medical services and workers, provision also allowed workers to work only four mountain grounds. The terms harvesting time; this was an important days per week outside of crop to cultivate their concession because it allowed time for wage-workers This agrecand possibly market the produce. own provision grounds forty-one properties (Wilmot 1984). ment was reportedly adopted by --- Page 173 --- in Jamaica 153 Black] publics and peasant, freedom post-emnancipation labour contracts were not negotiated, however, Where satisfactory modes of clain-making that they had workers turned to the new the end of the first month of full emancipalearned as apprentices. By towards labourtion, newspaper editors who were initially sympathetic concerned with the ers' wage demands were becoming increasingly towards continuing stoppage of work, and there was growing anger the Baptists, who were accused of encouraging missionaries, especially The Morning Journal angrily wrote: strike for higher wages. believe, that any minister of religion would We cannot to sit down in idleness for three months, advise the people valuable time, or to stand out for the and waste SO much exorbitant rates of wages, which some are demanding. is Still there is no denying that the stand for exorbitant wages the and the refusal to resume work such as to justify general, The evil is not opinion that the plan was preconcerted. or confined to two or three parishes. or to particular parts, island, districts of a parish, but to nearly every parish in the and to all parts of them. 16 and attorneys held their own meetings to In response, the planters Onc meeting in St. David comrepresent their case to the governor. of the lately emancipated plained of *the continued indisposition state of the to labour, and the unsettled and unsatisfactory apprentices realization of the power of organized affairs of the parish' . Dawning who were helping the workers led planters to attack the missionaries between workers and people negotiate contracts. Collective bargaining the but had was no longer confined to plantations, estate managers debate over the terms and conditions taken on the character of a public of freedom. the degree of tension between emanOne local example conveys planters and local officials in cipated plantation workers, missionaries, contracts. On the very these initial months of hammering out 'free' the Falmouth area was hit first weekend following full emancipation, armed disturbance involving work-stoppage and an by a widespread Missionary, Rev. William Knibb. After the famous anti-slavery Baptist on obtaining fair wages, some Knibb spoke to meetings of labourers the foolish and hazardous white magistrates in Falmouth 'conceived the rumour of which was project of burning Mr. Knibb in effigy', him. Knibb's followers transformed into a planned attempt to murder bills, and those who could armed themselves with cutlasses, muskets, with sticks, and group after group not procure more deadly weapons, towards Piedmont to guard him in'; of them proceeded out of the town their weapons in his carriage, they only dispersed after he collected Baptist on obtaining fair wages, some Knibb spoke to meetings of labourers the foolish and hazardous white magistrates in Falmouth 'conceived the rumour of which was project of burning Mr. Knibb in effigy', him. Knibb's followers transformed into a planned attempt to murder bills, and those who could armed themselves with cutlasses, muskets, with sticks, and group after group not procure more deadly weapons, towards Piedmont to guard him in'; of them proceeded out of the town their weapons in his carriage, they only dispersed after he collected --- Page 174 --- 154 Democracy After Slavery Falmouth and showed the crowd in met with the planter magistrates terms. 18 Most estates, however, still that they were on perfectly good demand for high wages were conrefused to go to work, unless their that Knibb was shot. 'and the ceded'. Then another rumour spread armed bodies of negroes began and from all parts people ran together: destruction of all the Whites. and to march upon Falmouth, threatening "Buckra begin the war". said they Mulattoes, and to all the properties. Hundreds of people we will make them see St. Domingotown "and now thrcatening to burn thc entered Falmouth armed with bludgeons. hostile and treasonable and the plantations, and uttering extremely accounts. The crowd was language'. according to local newspaper who convinced them that finally quieted by a Stipendiary Magistrate example of bargaining alive and well. This was an effective Knibb was avoided, but planters and magistrates by riot in which fatalities were it also shows clearly that the directly challenged: were nonetheless was vivid in popular memory. Haitian Revolution Peasant political agency scores of public meetings. in Baptist missionaries helped to organize make to draw up reswhich freed slaves were encouraged to speeches. and to send petitions olutions that could be printed in the newspapers and to the British public. making their views known to the government dissatisfaction with labour conAs early as November 1838, seething meetings and political petichannelled into peaceful ditions was being including demands for a broader tioning among Baptist congregations. that there would be no progress franchise. It had been quickly grasped as former slave-owners in workers" social and political rights SO long defensive editors of continued to legislate for them. The increasingly on politics in the Morning Journal commented disapprovingly Brethren': under the headline 'Our Black Trelawny ill-humoured article in the We perceive in an extremely that it is the intention of the lately Falmouth Post of the 21st, for enfranchised to hold county and parochial meetings, and Parliament to pass those just the purpose of petitioning of the colony. [A] equitable laws for the government endure will be statement of the wrongs which the negroes yet friends, the Anti-Slavery forwarded to their ever-vigilant of the A request will be made for an extension Society. to those who pay a certain rental for elective franchise. when it is remembered that in this houses and lands, and Falmouth Post of the 21st, for enfranchised to hold county and parochial meetings, and Parliament to pass those just the purpose of petitioning of the colony. [A] equitable laws for the government endure will be statement of the wrongs which the negroes yet friends, the Anti-Slavery forwarded to their ever-vigilant of the A request will be made for an extension Society. to those who pay a certain rental for elective franchise. when it is remembered that in this houses and lands, and --- Page 175 --- in Jamaica 155 Black publics and peasant freedom post-emancipation parish there are no less than 40,000 inhabitants chiefly blacks, among whom at present there are not as many as 40 possessing the right of returning representatives.to serve them in the popular branch of the Legislature, the Post feels a will meet with immediate attenthat SO reasonable request [italics in tion from the ministers of the crown original),20 Journal then snecred sarcastically, But why make two The Morning Universal suffrage at once, and the bites of a cherry? Why not request having championed the vote by ballot [emphasis in original]". Despite only a few civil and political rights of the free coloured population not earlier, the editors of the Morning Journal were clearly ready years for popular democracy. held in chapels in January The planned meetings were Baptist on the first of 1839. The Falmouth Post printed the resolutions passed Dendy at which chaired by Rev. Walter January by a meeting in the and numbers standing [ulpwards of 3000 persons were chapel, admittance'.? 21 The resolutions complained outside who could not get the almost total exclusion of ex-slaves from political representation, of of 'more just and equitable laws' whether by and called for the framing intervention the Crown. The meeting enfranchisement or by direct by Society' to advance also formed the Falmouth Auxiliary Anti-Slavery of the world. Not only were abolition in North America and other parts level of the national Jamaican freedmen placing their grievances at the solibut they were asserting their international system of legislation, anti-slavery cause. An even bigger meeting darity with the continuing by around 6000 later that month prepared a petition signed in Kingston the House of Assembly (which had people, taking a frm stand against The resulting the Governor's authority). lately been challenging disapprobation' as address to Governor Smith expressed 'unqualified behavior' towards 'British subjects' at the Assembly's 'contumacious words, were claiming a greater the Crown. Native Jamaicans, in other than the disloyal planters entitlement to the name of 'British subjects' decisions about of Who had the right to make in the House Assembly. freed slaves immediately claimed that the future of Jamaica? Many right as their own. conflict was still unsettled in many areas, By June 1839, labour on the subject printed and Governor Smith had an official proclamation buildings in town and posted on public in the island newspapers squares throughout the island: it has been represented to Her Majesty's Whereas Population of this Island Government, that the Agricultural misunderstanding as to a supposed labour under considerable itlement to the name of 'British subjects' decisions about of Who had the right to make in the House Assembly. freed slaves immediately claimed that the future of Jamaica? Many right as their own. conflict was still unsettled in many areas, By June 1839, labour on the subject printed and Governor Smith had an official proclamation buildings in town and posted on public in the island newspapers squares throughout the island: it has been represented to Her Majesty's Whereas Population of this Island Government, that the Agricultural misunderstanding as to a supposed labour under considerable --- Page 176 --- 156 Democracy After Slavery right on their part, to the Houses and which they were permitted to occupy and Provision-Grounds cultivate, Slavery and Apprenticeship: AND WHEREAS such during derstanding. wherever it exists. is calculated to misunevil both to the said Labouring produce great Proprictors of the Soils of this Island: Population I DO and to the known that I have received instructions HEREBY make from Her Secretary of State for the Colonies to assure the Majesty's People, in Her Majesty's name, that such a notion Labouring is erroneous, and that they can only continue to totally Houses and Grounds upon such conditions, occupy their agree upon with the as they may Grounds, Proprictors of such Houses or their lawful agents in this Country. 22 and In response, labourers again held meetings at the 'rights and privileges' of the Baptist chapels tc discuss Rev. Knibb in Falmouth, the people. At a meeting chaired by was debated, with several separation of rent from wage payments labourers speaking. Edward labourer on Oxford Estate and Deacon in Knibb's Barrett,23 a 'we want to pay our rent by itself, and receive church, argued that agreement', while Alexander our wages under another confused about who owned Stevenson argued that if anyone was "Bushas' who took all the what property, it was the overseers, or the big house, taking estate property for their own use, living in supplies freely, and us who expect our master's houses feeding their horses. Itis not looking for any new laws: it is the white and grounds: it isn't we who are for themselves',2 A note of people who want everything anger was into meetings, as workers recognized the violation creeping popular public Political power would be oftheir rights. planters, and such necessary to curtail the schemes of the power would require independence plantation's tight control over land and labour. from the sugar key component of freedom. A Mobility itself was a ing planter control, not newly mobile population was only on the plantations and challengAssembly, but also in the public in the House of notes, fone can ask to what spaces of the towns. As Rebecca Scott mobility that extent juridical freedom, and the accompanied it, helped to make physical ible' (R. Scott 1988: 426). Mobility broaderalliances posssugar plantations, as freedmen began with movement off of the An early form of bought their own small plots of land. began in the free villages sclf-determination founded among freed men and women former by missionaries on land plantations or the backlands of bought from smaller plots to be sold to freedmen large estates, and broken into villages involved a fairly (see Figure 2 in Chapter 2). These significant number of people: 'Between 1838 1988: 426). Mobility broaderalliances posssugar plantations, as freedmen began with movement off of the An early form of bought their own small plots of land. began in the free villages sclf-determination founded among freed men and women former by missionaries on land plantations or the backlands of bought from smaller plots to be sold to freedmen large estates, and broken into villages involved a fairly (see Figure 2 in Chapter 2). These significant number of people: 'Between 1838 --- Page 177 --- in Jamaica 157 Black publics and peasant, freedom post-emancipation least] 19,000 freedmen and their and 1844, a period of six years, [at land, and settled families removed themselves from the estates, bought and 1958: 49). The villages were autonomous in free villages' (Mintz at the local level, with many costs and to some extent self-governing of community self-govtasks shared among the settlers: the experience identities ernment in free villages laid the groundwork for citizenship movements. participation in civil and political rights and subsequent noted in the similar context of British Guiana, to As Walter Rodney the of participating in a live in a village was to open up possibility under planter control. political process which was by no means totally Village self-administration of escape from the tyranny of the provided an opportunity the movement of plantation in Guiana much like physical When the black freedmen to the mountains of Jamaica... of London described the proprietors of Guiana's comTimes 'little bands of socialists', , this was in effect munal villages as characteristic a reference to the cooperative self-government of those villages (Rodney 1981: 128). churches in Jamaica provided an As in Guiana, the Nonconformist classes and the working people, important bridge between the middle workers' associain rural areas': within these safe settings, of especially Societies contributed to the development tions and Friendly sector (Rodney 1981: 146, workers' solidarity outside ofthe plantation collective identities emerged autonomy and new 162-65). Cooperation, contributed to new kinds of political consciousat the village level and culture (and sense of both econess-raising. A new peasant political formed, combining the protest nomic and political agency) quickly of new freedoms." 25 traditions of slave communities with the exercise missionaries put the Despite local elite resistance, Nonconformist networks of a Jamaican labourers in contact with the political mass of activists. Public meetings not wider British public of reform-minded of demonstrating physical only offered a visually powerful way in the island legislature, but they majorities that were not represented through participation in this also fostered personal empowerment was crucial to realizing The Baptist church in particular wider public. effective means of popular claimthe mass public meeting as an The Baptist-led public meetings Jamaica. making in post-emancipation enabled the exercise of greater selfthat accompanied emancipation within ex-slave communities; assertion and decision-making powers and leadership skills participants also cultivated new organizational mobilizations. In the meetings, that would be applied to later popular rules. participants learned according to strict procedural held at chapels , but they majorities that were not represented through participation in this also fostered personal empowerment was crucial to realizing The Baptist church in particular wider public. effective means of popular claimthe mass public meeting as an The Baptist-led public meetings Jamaica. making in post-emancipation enabled the exercise of greater selfthat accompanied emancipation within ex-slave communities; assertion and decision-making powers and leadership skills participants also cultivated new organizational mobilizations. In the meetings, that would be applied to later popular rules. participants learned according to strict procedural held at chapels --- Page 178 --- 158 Democrucy After Slavery about calling a speaker to the chair, moving and raising subscriptions. forming seconding resolutions, delegations to draw and present resolutions, publishing up formally proceedings in local and newspapers and circulating and signing petitions. metropolitan members also gained experience in public Many church (of elders, churchwardens. speaking. church elections the internal deacons, etc.) and general participation in governance structures of the churches. Overall, Baptist chapels organized at least five ings in 1838 involving thousands of labourers, major public meetous local emancipation celebrations. In besides holding numermeetings held at the Baptist 1839, there were several public in Kingston, Bethel Hill chapel in Falmouth, and others at and St. Ann's Bay, with locales chapels auxiliaries to the British and Foreign many forming there were over fifteen recorded Anti-Slavery Society. In 1840, Slavery Convention" held meetings, including the Jamaica AntiMarch, and several at the Spanish Town Baptist Chapel in ofthe meetings to found the African Baptist Church. At such meetings, Missionary Society was read out and delegates were correspondence from Britain York, for the World appointed to go to London and New June,26 Meetings Anti-Slavery conventions to be held in May and continued throughout the two thousand or more people. There decade, many attended by meetings in 1844, following was an especially heated series of protection from sugar and the parliamentary proposals to remove tariff tured immigration. government decision to subsidize indenMany of these meetings drew up either to the Jamaican House of petitions that were submitted Parliament in Britain. Common Assembly, or in some cases to legislation and taxation favoured grievances included complaints that and small landholders, planters and disadvantaged labourers especially public expenditures immigration and in support of the established on indentured infused 'civic culture' enhanced church. A religionempowered by literacy education in emancipated slaves as free citizens many ways 'colonizing' effects of missionary despite the recognized Comaroff 1991).27 As Gordon Catherall movements (cf. Comaroff and provided an experimental framework in argues, Baptist missionaries tical definition of freedom with which to work out some pracinvolvement.. necessary environment for the training of citizens', [They] provided a civil society' in ways comparable to the thereby 'rebuilding of India, or the Christian base Gandhian village communities (Catherall 1990: 271-72). communities of Latin America At the same time, the and practices re-emergence of African religious presented an ongoing resource idioms to colonialism (Stewart 1992; for nore radical resistance Chevannes 1994). Support for Africa, with which to work out some pracinvolvement.. necessary environment for the training of citizens', [They] provided a civil society' in ways comparable to the thereby 'rebuilding of India, or the Christian base Gandhian village communities (Catherall 1990: 271-72). communities of Latin America At the same time, the and practices re-emergence of African religious presented an ongoing resource idioms to colonialism (Stewart 1992; for nore radical resistance Chevannes 1994). Support for Africa, --- Page 179 --- in Jamaica 159 Black publics and peasant, freedom post-emancipation movement were major areas Africans and the continuing anti-slavery meeting of public interest among Jamaican ex-slaves. An anti-slavery resolved that Chapel in 1840, for example: held at Bethtephil Baptist bounden duty to use every means in their they 'consider it to be their and slavery. as carried power to expose and put down the slave-trade the United States of on in Africa. and in the boasted lands of freedom, dissension America". 28 Increasing resentment of white racism led to Methodist and Baptist churches in Jamaica, as within the Wesleyan the limitations of white pastorship and black congregations recognized and Even more radically, sought to select their own leaders preachers. leaders and practices; 'revivalism' promoted Afro-Christian grassroots boundaries between Christian and African-rooted reliby blurring the the entire basis of gious beliefs. the Revival movements challenged was religion. Also of significance for popular participation European Afro-Jamaican women both in promoting a popular the part played by societies, and in forming their own 'voice' within the missionary religious networks and followings (Sheller 1998). must be made in A special case for peasant political agency In both Haiti and Jamaica, women were responsible regard to women. distances bringing rural for local marketing and they covered great back to to the market centres, and urban and imported goods produce access to credit and centrality in networks the country. Their mobility. of autonomy gave market women a greater degree of communication Yet, women were excluded by definition than other peasant groups. could not vote or hold public office, and from equal citizenship: they participation. 29 The recognized claim to political had no officially closely tied to bargaining modern status of citizenship was originally the obligation of military between states and subject populations over that male slaves often service (Tilly 1994). Thus, it is not surprising for military service gained freedom as an incentive or compensation Wars of the Haitian Revolution, the Latin-American (i.e. during States Civil War and the Cuban Ten Years' Independence, the United claim on the state not available to War). Military service gave men a qualifications from voting women. Though still excluded by property had a claim office, Afro-Caribbean men at least legitimate or holding Nevertheless, Afro-Caribbean women did on equal political rights. political events. 30 play a significant role in several major in the public Non-white women were a permanent presence agricultural because oftheir central role in marketing spaces oftowns in domestic service jobs in produce, as well as their concentration found a total population of urban areas. An 1844 census of Kingston 1861 island-wide census 14,350 males and 18,543 females. while the there was a total of 36,805 found that in all the towns of the island legitimate or holding Nevertheless, Afro-Caribbean women did on equal political rights. political events. 30 play a significant role in several major in the public Non-white women were a permanent presence agricultural because oftheir central role in marketing spaces oftowns in domestic service jobs in produce, as well as their concentration found a total population of urban areas. An 1844 census of Kingston 1861 island-wide census 14,350 males and 18,543 females. while the there was a total of 36,805 found that in all the towns of the island --- Page 180 --- 160 Democracy After Slavery females, compared with only 26,378 males. 31 Thus, women important part in thc development of a politically active playcd an public in two ways: first, they faeilitated flows Afro-Jamaican town and country; and, second, they filled thc ofinformation between during popular political mobilizations streets and squarcs argued elsewherc (Shellcr or demonstrations. As I have 1998), women's political simply due to sheer numbers on the lowest social leadership was not their special economic and social rungs. Rather, it was country, between markets position as a link between town and families it tried and fields, and between the state and to control. Market the produce from the country into the towns women, and or higglers', brought tion to rural districts in the carried news and informawomen's concentration process. In largely non-literate societies, in the market towns ering oral information, while their advantaged them in gathout the countryside enabled economic and familial ties throughthem to than official channels. disseminate news more quickly The importance of internal marketing networks political communication during the as channels of nized by a number of historians. period of slavery has been recoghowever, of the ongoing There has been less discussion, tion, when Jamaican significance of these networks after with markets continued to be run emancipaonly minimal regulation of their largely 32 by women, studies have concluded that the street was organization." the Whereas many utation' in the Caribbean, with locale of masculine 'repfenced-in yard or the women relegated to the home, the much evidence that urban 'respectability" of the church, there is in fact the streets. 33 As Rhoda Reddock working-class has women dominated the life of most women the street was their noted for Trinidad & Tobago, 'For were entertained, arena of activity. They worked there, quarreled, fought, and even ate adage that women should be seen and there. The Victorian here, and the strict division between not heard was not applicable instituted public and private life among the working classes'. 34 Given their was not yet dominance in urban public spaces, black numerical prein public disturbances and riots, where women played a special part of participants in contentious they often made up the majority Above all, it is clear from gatherings. police a highly visible part in the streets and reports that black women played retaliatory police attack. Not rioting 'mob', often suffering constant only were women's public challenge to the security ofthe activities a ties of the white male elite, but class, racial and gender identitransmuted into direct verbal working-class public culture often turning into violent riots. challenges to the authorities, sometimes recorded in the British records Many examples of 'violent were spoken by women, whether language' during often made up the majority Above all, it is clear from gatherings. police a highly visible part in the streets and reports that black women played retaliatory police attack. Not rioting 'mob', often suffering constant only were women's public challenge to the security ofthe activities a ties of the white male elite, but class, racial and gender identitransmuted into direct verbal working-class public culture often turning into violent riots. challenges to the authorities, sometimes recorded in the British records Many examples of 'violent were spoken by women, whether language' during --- Page 181 --- in Jamaica 161 Black publics and peasant freedom post-emancipation later scuffles and *riots'; slavery and apprenticeship. or in court-house were often at the forewhen violence occurred, working-class women but quite often not only insults and provocation, front. brandishing the 1850s, those words and weapons were weapons as well. By overseers and plantation personincreasingly turned not only against of the colonial state: policenel, but against the actual representatives At this level, we court-houses. militias. even magistrates. men, differences between Haiti and Jamaica, for discover one of the main met with armed force in Haiti. mobilizations were quickly any popular moved with impunity, whereas in Jamaica rights The Haitian military were to some extent protected, of association. speech and publication their withdrawal. at least in SO far as one could protest at Peasant civil agency in the development of a As in Haiti. newspapers were a key component domination of big democratic alliance in opposition to the political targeted at in Jamaica were specifically landowners. Some publications weekly newspaper was started the population of freed slaves. A Baptist of empowerin 1839, with the explicit purpose in Falmouth September The Baptist Herald and Friend of ing freedmen and aiding Africans. editorial that *[we] have long felt the Africa proclaimed in its opening by which the labouring desirableness of having a cheap publication of those rights and privpopulation might be instructed in a knowledge well as in those duties they which belong to them as free men, as with ileges the now they are invested owe to each other and to community, issue also advertised the 'free the name of British subjects". . The same and parcels ofLAND system' in Trelawny, with sundry picces village sold in LOTS to suit buyers among the labouring peaswhich will be Castle Town, New Birmingham, Calabar, antry', in Sturge's Town, Hoby's Town, and Shady Grove.35 in the island (6s. 8d. per The paper claimed to be the cheapest a circulation of later reduced to only 6s.), and by 1844 reported in annum, week, chiefly in the parishes of St. Thomas over one thousand per St. James and Hanover'.36 It was the Vale, St. Mary, St. Ann, Trelawny, but also took some very prostrongly against forcign slavery, not only to most of the Jamaican press. In August labour stands in comparison lower to 9d. per day, an cditorial 1844, following attempts to wages that labor here is worth stated that we give it as our decided opinion, therefore, is to insist on day. Our advice to the peasantry 1s. 6d. per to work for less.. Let them resist present prices, and on no account, In February 1845, it reduction] at once, and universally'. [the wage against forcign slavery, not only to most of the Jamaican press. In August labour stands in comparison lower to 9d. per day, an cditorial 1844, following attempts to wages that labor here is worth stated that we give it as our decided opinion, therefore, is to insist on day. Our advice to the peasantry 1s. 6d. per to work for less.. Let them resist present prices, and on no account, In February 1845, it reduction] at once, and universally'. [the wage --- Page 182 --- 162 Democracy After Slavery From what is going on, we strongly printed - Advice to the Peasantry. with the Overseer or advise the laborer not to enter into any agreement and not to sign any unless that agreement be in writing: and in Attorney, of some friend who can read, paper except in the presence whom he has conlidence'.7 build civic culture by organizing Less militant whites tried to of Jamaican volassociations (see Table 6 for a summary founded with philanthropic Some institutions were untary and welfare associations). 'bettering' the working classes. In the explicit aim of educating and article under the headline 1842, the Morning Journal published an the formaand Middle Classes'. promoting "Reunions of the Working Reform Association. tion of clubs modeled on the Leeds Parliamentary the class. and to information to working to diffuse sound political them and other classes'. As the promote a kindlier feeling between is needed is, that any change which author went on to explain, [WJhat society. in the fulness of time, in an ever-progressive must come, matter of bloody contest. but as a matter should be approached not as a 38 Along the same lines. local of co-operation, or if you like of bargain' in the early societies were formed in almost every parish agricultural lectures and demonstrations, offered practical 1840s. They arranged and sponsored fairs or advice on better techniques and new technology were offered for the best contests each year in which monetary prizes The island-wide of produce. livestock and workmanship. examples was founded in 1840. and the Royal Royal Agricultural Society in 1866). Society of Arts in 1854 (the two were amalgamated to promote better "Industrial education' societies were founded such as the practices and introduce new technologies. agricultural Society for the Promotion of Industrial St. James and Trelawny (Hall 1959: 30). Perhaps influenced by Education, founded in 1843 Socialism (Lewis 1983). there French socialism and British Christian cooperatives in this to establish marketing were several attempts The most ambitious cooperperiod; most, however, were unsuccessful. scheme in the 1840s was Special ative production and marketing Metcalfe Central Sugar Factory Magistrate Alexander Fyfe's proposed off the 39 In a (1846). which never got ground. and Timber Company Joint-Stock Co. and Society of Arts was later scheme. the St. David's of labour. established in 1857, 'to regulate by means co-operative upon such lands as the Company might certain schemes of cultivation basis of shares of five pounds raised from be able to purchase' on the Such projects, however, were individual investors (Hall 1959: 202). and labourers. 40 aimed more at bigger landowners, not smallholders schools than in Haiti in part In Jamaica there were also far more education as a because the British government financially supported . and Society of Arts was later scheme. the St. David's of labour. established in 1857, 'to regulate by means co-operative upon such lands as the Company might certain schemes of cultivation basis of shares of five pounds raised from be able to purchase' on the Such projects, however, were individual investors (Hall 1959: 202). and labourers. 40 aimed more at bigger landowners, not smallholders schools than in Haiti in part In Jamaica there were also far more education as a because the British government financially supported --- Page 183 --- Black publics and peasant freedom in post-emancipation Jamaica 163 Table 6 Voluntary Associations and Societies in Jamaica, 1823-1866 Founded Name (Founder) The Bienfaisance The Society (Lecesne & Escoffery) Kingston Benevolent 1838-39 Society for the Protection Society (Rev. T. B. Turner) Falmouth of Civil and Religious Liberty Auxiliary Anti-Slavery Society & to BFASS other auxiliaries Jamaica Education African Society (Baptist Western Union) Missionary Royal Society of the Baptist Church (Jamaica] Agricultural Society (& various branches) parish St. Thomas in the East & St. Trelawny David's Savings Bank Savings Bank St. Thomas in the Vale Savings Bank 1841-42 Kingston Mechanics (T. Witter Jackson) St. James & Trelawny Institution Society for Industrial Baptist Benefit Society Education Royal Society of Arts Trinity District Mutual Aid The Mutual Society, Westmoreland The Provident Improvement Society, Kingston (Gardner) St. David's Society, Kingston (Gardner) Joint-Stock Co. & Society of Arts Kingston & St. Andrew Ladies' Association Reformatory & Industrial The Falmouth Association for 1850s Industrial Moral & Social School, Mount Holstein, St. George Improvement (Rev. Rouse) G. 186x S.. J. Walcott's Industrial School, 186x Hanover Richmond Estate Society of Industry The Benefit Building Society (Model Home (Gardner) Department) Mercantile Agency Association, Black Freedman's Aid River (Barrett) Society-Joint Stock Association & Plummer) (Brydson The Underhill Convention The New Belvedere (Rodney & Burton, St. Ann's Bay) The Royal Incorporated Society Society of Arts & Agriculture , Mount Holstein, St. George Improvement (Rev. Rouse) G. 186x S.. J. Walcott's Industrial School, 186x Hanover Richmond Estate Society of Industry The Benefit Building Society (Model Home (Gardner) Department) Mercantile Agency Association, Black Freedman's Aid River (Barrett) Society-Joint Stock Association & Plummer) (Brydson The Underhill Convention The New Belvedere (Rodney & Burton, St. Ann's Bay) The Royal Incorporated Society Society of Arts & Agriculture --- Page 184 --- 164 Democracy After Slavery reformation' of the slave, while missionaries themmeans to 'moral of faith, conversion and moral selves saw education as a key aspect the awarded between 1835-45 government development. In particular, the Mico annual subsidy of up to £30.000 to non-denominational as soon an instituted a Jamaica Educational Society Charity." The Baptists a total of 16.313 students ended, and by 1839, they reported A as slavery schools (mostly in Cornwall and Middlesex). in day and Sunday statements for 1841 shows 21 teachers compilation of missionary Mission. 22 with the Church attached to the Wesleyan Methodist Society: the Society, and 71 with the Baptist Missionary 25.000 Missionary children was estimated to be between total number of school both girls and boys, and about one and 31.800.9 These schools taught Jamaicans expressed the desire third ofthe teachers were women. Many clearly of their children their children, and some were proud to educate the United States. ex-slaves were willing to who were literate. As in schools, paying school spend what little money they had on building attend school (Du Bois clothing for their children to fees and buying [1935] 1992). associated with the emancipation of The cconomic restructuring with the continuing process of an enslaved rural labour force (along led to a faced with falling sugar prices). decline of an old sugar colony culture in Jamaica. While some more mobile and town-based popular provisions for the local village former slaves could survive by growing sugarcane. fruit and coffee, pimento. arrowroot. markets selling (Sewell [1862] 1968: 248-49) or vegetables. as well as handicrafts to support the entire even for export, the local economy was inadequate after about 1840. Jamaica's population. As Elizabeth Petras suggests. artisans abandoned foremen, skilled workers. and steadily 'mechanics, and moved into the towns' (Petras 1988: 49). the agricultural sector they found no incipient industry that However, 'in the urban centers, members of the first urban could employ them. Thus, they became mobile urban subfloating labor reserve... By 1850 a geographically 1988: 49, 52). in Jamaica' (Petras proletariat was distinguishable left Jamaica between 1850 and 1855, Thousands of such workers Railroad that was being built across recruited to work on the Panama They were offered enticing the isthmus by a U.S.j joint-stock company. of food and medical attenwages of 3s. 2d. per day, with promises where worker mortality was dance, but many died in Panama, extremely high (Pctras 1988). consciousness was apparent as early A distinctive working-class "Mechanic" as 1842, as seen in this article written by a self-described in The Morning Journal: and 1855, Thousands of such workers Railroad that was being built across recruited to work on the Panama They were offered enticing the isthmus by a U.S.j joint-stock company. of food and medical attenwages of 3s. 2d. per day, with promises where worker mortality was dance, but many died in Panama, extremely high (Pctras 1988). consciousness was apparent as early A distinctive working-class "Mechanic" as 1842, as seen in this article written by a self-described in The Morning Journal: --- Page 185 --- in Jamaica 165 Black publics and peasant freedont post-emancipation Fellow Craftsmen. Most of To the Mechanics of Jamaica. with myself. have you, it may be presumed, in common avocation, for experienced many drawbacks in our varied institution where mutual sociality and commuwant of an be unrestrictedly and nion of sentiment and ideas might would not only beneficially enjoyed.. A mechanic's society to the be of essential service to the master, but particularly knowoperative. whose present very preseribed labouring of practical mechanics in most ledge or total ignorance intractable to his master. instances. renders him intolerably formation of such a society What is there to prevent the of at least a us, where we might have the advantage among lectures, with our well stored library, if not of popular museum and school of arts and sciences?1 Mechanic's Institution, this worker was With his plans for a Kingston movement; he also planned to *open a aware of an international labour "London Mechanics Institution", connecting correspondence with the derive every assistance possthrough whose paternal means we might school'. 45 ible in establishing a library, museum and in the 1840s, to found There were also attempts, especially to habits Banks for the poorer classes' in order encourage of Savings meeting in Morant Bay in 1841, inhabitants of thrift'. At a public and St. David resolved: St. Thomas-in-the-East Bank.. would be That the establishment of a Savings of great benefit to the community; and especially productive them a safe and conveto the labouring Classes. as affording and good interest nient investment for their surplus earnings, toward their for the deposits they may make; and as tending inclinaby checking their too frequent moral improvement, expenditure, and encouraging tion to useless and extravagant 46 industrious and frugal habits. in the Old School Room at the Court The bank was to be opened found, though, that the labourers were House on Saturdays. It was soon into elite-run savings enthusiastic about putting their money the not very ofthe parish are not yet awarc of banks: 'the labouring population is conducted'. For most principles on which such an institution there was no better bank than a labourers with a stake in family land, fattening pig. were crcated with the needs of In the 1850s, many associations District Mutual Aid Society, for class in mind. The Trinity the working to be opened found, though, that the labourers were House on Saturdays. It was soon into elite-run savings enthusiastic about putting their money the not very ofthe parish are not yet awarc of banks: 'the labouring population is conducted'. For most principles on which such an institution there was no better bank than a labourers with a stake in family land, fattening pig. were crcated with the needs of In the 1850s, many associations District Mutual Aid Society, for class in mind. The Trinity the working --- Page 186 --- 166 Democracy Afier Slavery instance, was founded in Westmoreland in 1855 of the labouring class'; for a small and aimed at persons attendance, disability subscription, it offered medical Missionary Society payments and old age support. 48 A London the Kingston Station, report mentions several societies connected with founded in 1856 with including a Mutual Improvement over 300 members, Society periodical for 4s. a year; and a Provident offering lectures and a which insured for sickness and death for Society founded in 1857, formed a Benefit Building Is. 6d. a month. They also and Society in 1864, which built gave grants for renovation of model homes joining voluntary associations, dilapidated buildings. 49 Besides teered their labour to freed men and women often voluncomplete collective to support a missionary. projects in the community or Edward Holland oft the London Missionary congregation was donating both cash and Society wrote that his He linked this to the labour to build a new chapel. Father, Mother, prevailing low wages: "In one instance I had the week.. As daughter and two sons the whole they are SO ill requited for their labor family for the Estates since the introduction of the Hill on the neighbouring day and their food, they prefer Coolies who work for 6d. per voluntary labour could involve laboring at their Chapel.s0 This kind of on the contributions single families, but it could also draw had planted 'a small oflarge patch of gangs. Holland reported in 1847 that he canes't to man in his congregation support his family. and a young fellows to harvest it: 'he 'cheerfully consented' to bring his work and ground away until the came accompanied with seventy-six others remained to boil the day began to dawn three of the number liquor. Besides that corn, and gave upwards of 600 days labour they planted all my provisions. expence'. 51 For low-paid to the new chapel. free of agricultural workers, significant returns not only in terms of the cooperative labour had digging or harvesting one's own expectation of future help in a kind of barter grounds, but also in some instances as replacement for cash payments. 52 Missionaries clearly hoped that civil schools, friendly societies and institutions such as churches, community; former slaves, savings banks would build a sense of community. and their own however, already had their own ideas of gions were tolerated public networks. Unlike Haiti, to some extent in 'native' reli- *Native Baptist' practices. A crucial Jamaica, at least in the form of post-emancipation Jamaica part of changes in public life was the in and 'black' identities. emergence of distinctive African' sciousness about the Baptists played an important part in raising conworld, and the need for ongoing Jamaican struggle against slavery throughout the did not realize quite how solidarity with Africa; perhaps, strong the symbolic meaning of Africa could they own however, already had their own ideas of gions were tolerated public networks. Unlike Haiti, to some extent in 'native' reli- *Native Baptist' practices. A crucial Jamaica, at least in the form of post-emancipation Jamaica part of changes in public life was the in and 'black' identities. emergence of distinctive African' sciousness about the Baptists played an important part in raising conworld, and the need for ongoing Jamaican struggle against slavery throughout the did not realize quite how solidarity with Africa; perhaps, strong the symbolic meaning of Africa could they --- Page 187 --- in Jamaica 167 Black publics and peasant, freedom post-emancipation At the chapel in Falmouth in 1842, for example, a commemobecome. above the pulpit with an inscription. 'By rative monument was placed Commemorate the Birth-Day of their Emancipated Sons of Africa. To the First, 1838'; it included the prophetic psalm Freedom, August Stretch Out Her Hands Unto God'33 What verse: Ethiopia Shall Soon And how did the collective idendid Africa mean to Afro-Jamaicans? dovetail with the identity of being a tity of being a *son of Africa' British subject"? celebrations at Kettering, at which a large During emancipation behind the speaker's chair', Edward map of Africa... [was] suspended summed up the debts owed Barrett of Oxford Estate significantly Africa: The set time had come' when Africa was required payment would she had suffered; and he trusted they for the wrongs for their own freedom, by trying to send shew their gratitude and Mothers in Africa. Black, the Gospel to their Fathers interested in Africa. Let none White, and Brown all were work. For the white ladies they had nothing to do in the say who were not related to Afric' pcople, had and gentlemen. from those who got it out of received much of their property, the blood of Africa.5 African, and of owing some repayment to This consciousness of being the abolitionist wing of the the people of Africa, was partly fostered by Afro-Jamaican sense of Baptist church, but it also reflected a deeper began to come under fire identity. Missionary churches themselves and resources. publics realizing their own power from Afro-Jamaican back in Africa might be their own As Barrett makes clear, those pcople ancestors. This and mothers; for others, they were symbolic fathers of the bases for an alternative political culture African identity was one the churches which had broke free from Baptist that increasingly helped to incubate it.55 resource to be called upon Christianity was not the only spiritual vision of a Christian the 'children of Ethiopia' The missionary by and powerful Afro-Jamaican public was melting into an autonomous to assert (and seek public recogpublic, and Jamaicans were beginning identities in new ways. If Baptist misnition for) their African cultural of they had become sionaries had started out in the role mediators, the planter. The aligned on the side of the peasantry, against of black clearly became central locales for the emergence Baptist churches of slavery, as they did in other postleaders and black publics out in the United States (Higginbotham emancipation contexts, for example 1981). The alliance between white 1993, 1997), or in Guyana (Rodney identities in new ways. If Baptist misnition for) their African cultural of they had become sionaries had started out in the role mediators, the planter. The aligned on the side of the peasantry, against of black clearly became central locales for the emergence Baptist churches of slavery, as they did in other postleaders and black publics out in the United States (Higginbotham emancipation contexts, for example 1981). The alliance between white 1993, 1997), or in Guyana (Rodney --- Page 188 --- 168 Democracy ARterSlavery in Jamaica would be effective for missionaries and black congregations within the lead to dissentions some time, but it would eventually turned their autonomous black congregations churches, as inereasingly which also became objects for attention to the churches themselves, 1840s, it was apparent that there reform and democratization. By the missionaries and black congrewas a vast social chasm between white and formation of voluntary socigations. If petitioning, public meeting of the existing civil and within the terms eties were engagements of Afro-Christian religious revivals political system, the emergence provided a more radical challenge. and Obeah, with In Jamaica, the practices known as Myalism 'syncretistic" AfroAfrican origins, were the root of subsequent with crucial many of which came to be associated Christian religions, (Chevannes 1994: Post 1978; Schuler peasant political movements These 'roots' religions were the 1991; Stewart 1992; Turner 1982). community formation fundamental basis for post-emancipation 1994: Métraux the Caribbean (Bastide 1978; Chevannes not throughout both male and female, were only 1960). Practitioners of Myal, 'flock" of followers, advising them community leaders gathering a them, and healing illnesses affairs, spiritually guiding on personal as well. As Barry Chevannes explains. but were quite often Baptists congregations because the Baptist Myalism took root mainly in Baptist and freedom for class and leader system 'provided greater autonomy of Christianity into its the symbols and teachings Myal to refashion message from the messenger" own image. to snatch the "Christian Robert J. Stewart argues. 'Black (Chevannes 1994: 18). Moreover, as of African and religion, in its unique and several Jamaican syntheses cohesion and communities of cultural European elements, provided (Stewart 1992: 122-23). Thus, spiritual motivation for political protest' religion in Jamaica, one is also in examining structures of popular mobilization. The the resources and ideologies for political examining Monica Schuler. had a this-world orientation Myal tradition." suggests and self-confident counter-culture. It that "formed the core of a strong period would be that none of the evils of the postslavery guaranteed but would be fought ritually and publicly' (Schuler accepted passively, 1991: 301). was fundamental to the politiThis public component. I suggest. There were two major cal and civil agency fostered by these religions. in Afro-Christian Revivals (or Myal routbreaks"), post-emancipation 1840s and 1860-61. The Revival of the early Jamaica, in 1842-43 James and other western parishes. White occurred mainly in St. by the rate at which the revival spontaobservers were dumbfounded of the hidden word-of-mouth neously' spread, but it was an indication 301). was fundamental to the politiThis public component. I suggest. There were two major cal and civil agency fostered by these religions. in Afro-Christian Revivals (or Myal routbreaks"), post-emancipation 1840s and 1860-61. The Revival of the early Jamaica, in 1842-43 James and other western parishes. White occurred mainly in St. by the rate at which the revival spontaobservers were dumbfounded of the hidden word-of-mouth neously' spread, but it was an indication --- Page 189 --- in Jamaica 169 Black publics aud peasant, freedont post-emancipation which news travelled in the black community. networks through the 'wild outbreak of Myalism, in 1842, [was] Waddell wrote that in the of Jamaica missions, and one of the most startling events history of their race still was showed how deeply rooted the old heathenism Flower Hill said the negroes' - Others described how a group at among and the world, they had the they were 'sent by God...to purge purify order than common'. They spirit, and were Christians of a higher performed public rituals of purification: After these fanatics had spent several days extracting the substances from the houses and gardens supposed pernicious class, with singing and dancing, and various of their own found them in full force and employpeculiar ritesf we around which were a multitude of ment, forming a ring, females performed a mystic onlookers. Inside the circle some in the center dance, sailing round and round, and wheeling Others arms, and wild looks and gestures. with outspread low monotonous tune (Waddell hummed, or whistled a [1863] 1970: 187-89). and prayer-houses 'for their heathenish Some groups seized chapels meetings with violent practices', opened graves and disrupted prayer of selfMyal rites were a radical expression spirit "possessions". control of religion; they also determination, demonstrating grassroots tried to solve indicate the exercise of 'popular justice', as communities Obeahmen and digging up collective problems by rooting out harmful charms that these sorcerers had planted. the *wanga' or evil indicate one kind of subaltern public These public ceremonies into the light of day (J. C. Scott 1990). bringing its 'hidden trancripts' it from the early about revivalism as developed What is significant was that it was increasingly open, indepen1860s', 2 argues Stewart, that Obeah could never be and that dent, and self-confident in a way periodic "outbreaks". It Myalism had only been previously during and took to the road' broke the walls of the churches, as it were, claim-making directed at (Stewart 1992: 147). Beyond overtly political forms of peasant agency I suggest that these religious the government, of the emergence of black publics. As must be theorized as part revivalist services in some instance impromptu Stewart suggests. marches and street demonserved the same purpose as many political 1991). "To a far greater extent strations today' (ibid: 147; cf. Schuler Myal and its later manithan most people realize', argues Chevannes, of the Jamaican people, Revival, have shaped the worldview festation, and a culture by subversive participahelping them to forge an identity 1994: 20-21). Baptist churches tion in the wider polity' (Chevannes ivalist services in some instance impromptu Stewart suggests. marches and street demonserved the same purpose as many political 1991). "To a far greater extent strations today' (ibid: 147; cf. Schuler Myal and its later manithan most people realize', argues Chevannes, of the Jamaican people, Revival, have shaped the worldview festation, and a culture by subversive participahelping them to forge an identity 1994: 20-21). Baptist churches tion in the wider polity' (Chevannes --- Page 190 --- 170 Democracy After Slavery safe locales in which to develop communities after had once provided but former slavery and practise repertoires of democratic participation, to a new sensc of collective agency and slaves were beginning develop the to create their own subaltern publics. As mobilization outran confines of churches. black leaders emerged, expressing grievances in new ways and making new demands. Notes Box to Directors, 2Aug. 1839. The event also raised £20. 1 LMS, 2, Woolridge Four Paths, 15 Aug. 1839. Whether 2 LMS, Box 2, W.G. Barret to Directors, of their Jamaicans recognized the revolutionary origins and Haitian resonance symbolic tree is unclear. and Wales. riots *were social 3 As John Bohstedt has argued in regard to England of force and politics in the sense that they tested rioters' and magistrates' resources persuasion, affected the policies of local authorities and the distribution of goods and social burdens, and took place within calculable conventions' (John Bohstedt, Riots and Comnunity Politics in England and Wales, 1790-1810 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1983].4-5). as *semi4 I follow James (1938) and Fraginals (1976) in referring to plantations industrial" in SO far as they concentrated a workforce in partly factory-like condiMintz, Slavery and the Rise of tions and thus created proto-proletarians" (cf. Peasantries"). 5 Theactual campaign to abolish slavery. on which there is an extensive historiography, will not be discussed here. See Chapter 1 foran overview. was the House of Lords, and used in the formal 6 Williams' narrative presented in parliamentary enquiry that contributed to the early ending of praedial apprenticeship. See 'A Narrative of events since the First of August, 1834". by James Williams, An Apprenticed Labourer in Jamaica'. bound with Lord Broughan's Speech on the Slave Trade in the House of Lords. 29 January 1838 (London: J. Rider, 1838): ct.Moruing Journal, Vol. 1, no. 2, 11 Apr. 1838. 7 It should not be forgotten that the community of freed slaves living in England in the late eighteenth century also played a crucial part in the abolition movement, including public speaking tours and well-known narratives by Ottobah Cuguano and Olaudah Equiano. Thus, began a black diaspora public. See Henry L. Gates Jr., ed., The Classic Slave Narratives (New York: Mentor. 1987); Peter Fryer. Staying Power: Black People in Britaiu Since 1504 (Atlantic Highlands. NJ: Humanities Press, 1984): Gretchen Gerzina, Black Loudou: Life Before Emancipation (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1995): Douglas A. Lorimer, Black Resistance to Slavery and Racism in Eighteenth Century England' in Essays iu the History of Blacks iu Britain, ed. J.S. Gundara and 1. Duffield (Aldershot: Avebury. 1992), pp. 58-80. 8 Land-use studies of plantations in the U.S. also suggest that 'slaves carved out landscapes of their own' (John M. Vlach, Back ofthe Bighouse: The Architecture ofPlantation Slavery [Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1993],x). 9 Morning Jourual, no. 11, 21 Apr. 1838. 10 Morning Journal, no. 34, 18 May 1838. 11 Morniug Journal, no. 36. 21 May 1838. 12 On the development of petitioning among the free coloured and free black populations, including tensions between the two groups, see Sheila Duncker, "The Free their own' (John M. Vlach, Back ofthe Bighouse: The Architecture ofPlantation Slavery [Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1993],x). 9 Morning Jourual, no. 11, 21 Apr. 1838. 10 Morning Journal, no. 34, 18 May 1838. 11 Morniug Journal, no. 36. 21 May 1838. 12 On the development of petitioning among the free coloured and free black populations, including tensions between the two groups, see Sheila Duncker, "The Free --- Page 191 --- Black publics and peasant freedom in post-emaucipation Jamaica 171 Coloured and their Fight for Civil University of the West Indies, Rights in Jamaica, 1800-1830 13 Morning Journal, March 1965). (MA thesis, 14 Morning no. 93, 26J July 1838. 15 This Journal, no. 101, 4 Aug., 1838. was a standard rate for hired labour based on the previously used "valuation' during the apprenticeship period, and was own freedom. There were twelve of slaves who wished to purchase their pound. pence to a shilling, and twenty 16 Morning Journal, Vol. shillings to a 17 Morning Journal. 1, no. 116, 22. Aug. 1838. 18 LMS, Box 2, John Vol. 1, no. 125, 1 Sept. 1838. 19 Ibid. Vine, First Hill, Rio Bueno P.O., 4 Sept. 1838. 21 20 Morning Journal, Vol. 1, no. 196, 23 Nov. 1838. Falmouth Post, Vol. 5, no. 1, 2 Jan. 1839. participation, chaired and Dendy supported 22 Morning Journal, meetings organized petitions popular political 23 Edward Vol. 2, [no dayl June 1839. over the next two decades. Barrett who probably terms was a labour leader who helped negotiate the *Oxford and 1840. He spoke to a accompanied Knibb on a to Cambridge" conversion meeting at Exeter Hall on trip England in and his desire to found a mission thes subjects of slavery, Christian Vol. 1, no. 40,5. Aug. 1840 and Vol. to West Africa 24 Falmouth Post, Vol. 5, no. 32, 6. Aug. 1844). (Baptist Herald, 25 Cf. Julie 5, no. 24, 12June 1839. Saville's similar Carolina, which description of 'neighbourhood Work emerged out of freed slaves' leagues' in South of Reconstruction: From Slave military societies (Julie Saville, 180-1900Cambntge to Wage Laborer in South The 26 This Cambridge University Press, Carolina, summary is based on my collection of 1994], p. 180). crucial source is the Baptist Herald and public texts, but for this period a cheapest paper in the island and to issue Friend of Africa, which claimed to be the cially Vol. 1, nos. 8, 11, 16, 17, 19, 24, 25 nine hundred copies weekly. See espereports. and 40 (covering 1839-40) for 27 As Elsa Brown specific argues for the U.S., "Central a fully democratic notion of political to African Americans' construction of the black public sphere' (E. B. Brown, discourse was the church as a foundation of Sphere: African American Political "Negotiating and Transforming the Public Freedom'. in The Black Life in the Transition from (Chicago: Public Sphere, ed. Black Public Slavery to University of Chicago Sphere Collective 28 Baptist Herald and Press, 1995).p. 114). 29 For a longer discussion FriendofA Africa, Vol.I.no. 11, 15 Jan. 1840. and its of the origins of the sexual division of relationship to concepts of labour in Haiti, Citizens'. . Brown, discourse was the church as a foundation of Sphere: African American Political "Negotiating and Transforming the Public Freedom'. in The Black Life in the Transition from (Chicago: Public Sphere, ed. Black Public Slavery to University of Chicago Sphere Collective 28 Baptist Herald and Press, 1995).p. 114). 29 For a longer discussion FriendofA Africa, Vol.I.no. 11, 15 Jan. 1840. and its of the origins of the sexual division of relationship to concepts of labour in Haiti, Citizens'. . On women's political citizenship, see Sheller, "Sword-Bearing Mother, Queen'; and Heuman, participation in Jamaica, see Sheller, "Quasheba, Morant Bay Rebellion, 1865' in Post-Emancipation Turner, Protest in Jamaica: The pp. 258-74. From Chattel Slaves to Wage Slaves, 30 There is a growing body of research for example, Janet Momsen, on women and politics in the James ed., Wonen and Change in the Caribbean; see, Currey, 1993); Marietta Morrissey, Slave Women Caribbean (London: Stratification in the Caribbean in the New World: Gender Rhoda Reddock, (Lawrence, KS: University of Kansas *Women and Slavery in the Press, 1989); Latin American Perspectives, Caribbean: A Feminist R. Reddock, Women, Issue 44, 12:1 (Winter 1985): Perspective'. Labour, and Politics in Trinidad and 63-80; and Tobago (London: Zed --- Page 192 --- 172 Democracy After Slavery History: Caribbean Women in Books, 1994); Verene Shepherd, et al., Engendering James Currey, 1995); Historical Perspective (Kingston: lan Randlc: London: Caribbean Feminist Review, no. 59, ed. Patricia Mohammed, "Rethinking Differenee'(Summer 1998). Herald and Friend of Africa. Vol.5, no. 33. 13 31 Census figures arc from Baptist ed. The Jamaican Censuses of 1844 and Aug.1844. p. 259 and Barry Higman. overall female University of the West Indics, 1980); the popula1861 (Kingston: 42,842 brown, and 179,097 black. tion in 1861 was 6,521 white, networks of communication during slavery, 32 On women's rolc in markets as crucial of the Jamaican Internal see Sidney Mintz and Douglas Hall, "The Origins no. 57 Marketing System', Yale University Publications in Anthropology. and (New Haven: 1960); Olwig, Cultural Adaptation; Mary S. Turner, Slaves Slave Society, 1787-1834 (Urbana: Missionaries: The Disintegration ofJamaican *Gender Roles in Caribbean University of Illinois, 1982): Janet Momsen. in Malcolm Cross and Gad Heuman, eds., Labour in the Caribbean Agriculture' Macmilan, 1988), 141-58; and Robert Olwell. ""Loose, Idle and (London: Charleston Marketplace" in Disorderly": Slave Women in the Eighteenth-Century Black Women and David Gaspar and Darlene Hine. eds., More Than Chattel: Slavery in the Americas (Bloomington and Indianapolis: Indiana University Press. 1996), pp. 97-110. debate see Peter J. Wilson, Crab Antics: The 33 On the repututionrespesahility Negro Societies in the Caribbean (New Social ckerdendiaseionis Press, 1973): Diane J. Austin, Urban Life in Kingston. Haven: Yale University York: Jamaica: The Culture and Class Ideology of Two Neighborhoods (New Besson, and reconsidered: a Gordon and Breach, 1984): *Reputation respectability women' in Momsen. Press. 1996), pp. 97-110. debate see Peter J. Wilson, Crab Antics: The 33 On the repututionrespesahility Negro Societies in the Caribbean (New Social ckerdendiaseionis Press, 1973): Diane J. Austin, Urban Life in Kingston. Haven: Yale University York: Jamaica: The Culture and Class Ideology of Two Neighborhoods (New Besson, and reconsidered: a Gordon and Breach, 1984): *Reputation respectability women' in Momsen. ed.. Women and new perspective on Afro-Caribbean peasant Noises in the Blood: Change in the Caribbean, pp. 15-37: Carolyn Cooper, Orality, Gender and the Vulgar" Body of Jamaican Popular Culture (Durham: Duke University Press, 1995); and Richard D. E. Burton. Afro-Creole: Power, Opposition and Play in the Caribbean (Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, 1997). Women, Labour and Politics in Trinidad & Tobago, A History 34 Rhoda Reddock, 1994), 81. A similar has been made regarding the (London: Zed Books, p. point "Street working women of San Juan, Puerto Rico (Felix V. Matos-Rodriguez, Vendors, Peddlars, Shop-Owners and Domestics: Some Aspects of Women's Economic Roles in Ninctenth-Century San Juan, Puerto Rico, 1820-1870' in Shepherd et al., Engendering History, 176-96). 1. 35 Baptist Heraldand Friend of Africa. Vol. 1.no. 1, 14 Sept. 1839.p.2.p. 36 Baptist Herald and Friend of Africa. Supplement to Vol. 1, no. 57. 2 Dec. 1840, and New Series, Vol. 1, no. 12. 20 Mar. 1844. 37 Baptist Herald and Friend of Africa. Vol. 5. no. 35. 27 Aug. 1844, p. 274: and Vol. 6, No. 7. 8 Feb. 1845. p. 52. 38 Morning Journal, Vol. 1 [No. 136], 28 Jan. 1842. 39 Fyfe was still running advertisements in 1847 for a Jamaica Central Factory Co., to establish central sugar processing factories linked to estates by tramways. , no. 12. 20 Mar. 1844. 37 Baptist Herald and Friend of Africa. Vol. 5. no. 35. 27 Aug. 1844, p. 274: and Vol. 6, No. 7. 8 Feb. 1845. p. 52. 38 Morning Journal, Vol. 1 [No. 136], 28 Jan. 1842. 39 Fyfe was still running advertisements in 1847 for a Jamaica Central Factory Co., to establish central sugar processing factories linked to estates by tramways. Its be raised in 6000 shares of £50 each, "liability of capital was to £300,000, Shareholders limited to amount of Shares subscribed for' (Morning Journal, 15 Apr. 1847). 40 The concept of the joint-stock company (with legal personality and freely transferable shares) existed in English law from 1844, but was extended by the Limited Liability Act of 1855, the Joint Stock Companies Act of 1856. The sine qua non --- Page 193 --- Black publics and peasant freedom in post-emancipation Jamaica 173 for such companies was the idea of a public of shareholding investors afforded full publicity ofinformation, including the publication of annual business 41 Sce C. Campbell, Social and Economic Obstacles to the accounts. Education in Post-Emancipation Development of Popular Jamaica, 1834-1865',in Beckles and Caribbean Freedom. op. cit., p. 262-68. Shepherd, 42 Baptist Herald and Friend of Africa, Vol. 1. no. 22. 1 Apr. 1840, 3rd of Jamaica Educational Society. Report the 43 Baptist Herald aud Frieud of Africa, Vol. 2, no. 12, 24 Mar. 1841; and Vol. 2, No.13,7 Apr. 1841. 44 Morning Journal, Vol. 1, no. 2(14).5Jan. 1842, p.3. 45 This was a vision of skilled artisans forming a craft union, but did not extend to the mass of unskilled workers. The first formal union in Jamaica, to my knowledge, began in Kingston in 1843. A General Meeting of journeymen printers demanded; a nine-hour day, special rates for overtime and limits on night work (The Journal. 9 Mar. 1843). Agricultural labour would not be unionized for Morning decades. many 46 Morning Journal, no. 211, 1 Jan. 1842; there was also a Trelawny Savings Bank and a St. Thomas in the Vale Bank (Morning Journal, 4 Mar. 1842). 47 Morning Journal. 4 Mar. 1842. 48 The Trinity District Mutual Aid Society, Westmoreland, Est. 1855: Rules and Regulations (Kingston: R.J. de Cordova, 1855). 49 LMS. Box 9, Gardner to Directors, Kingston Decennial Report, 22Jan. 1866. 50 LMS, Box 5, Holland to Directors, 29 July 1845. As we shall see below, the introduction of'coolies' was a major bone of contention between planter and peasant. 51 LMS, Holland to Directors. 24 Mar. 1847. 52 Holland was a Waywarden in charge of collecting road taxes and realized that the 'readiness of the people [to donate labour], arises. from the fact, that for the last three years I have done a good deal to case them in the payment of their Taxes.. I manage to obtain the liberty for them to settle their accounts with work instead of money'. 53 Baptist Herald and Friend of Africa, Vol. 3, no. 7, 16 Feb. 1842. p. 46. 54 Baptist Herald and Friend of Africa, Vol. 5, no. 32. 6 Aug. 1844, p. 250. 55 Both the verse above, from Psalm 68, and the argument for reparations to Africa are strong elements of the Rastafarian faith, which almost certainly has its roots in this original post-emancipation peasant culture of resistance (Chevannes 1994). their accounts with work instead of money'. 53 Baptist Herald and Friend of Africa, Vol. 3, no. 7, 16 Feb. 1842. p. 46. 54 Baptist Herald and Friend of Africa, Vol. 5, no. 32. 6 Aug. 1844, p. 250. 55 Both the verse above, from Psalm 68, and the argument for reparations to Africa are strong elements of the Rastafarian faith, which almost certainly has its roots in this original post-emancipation peasant culture of resistance (Chevannes 1994). --- Page 194 --- democracy and the Popular Underhill Convention of a more democratic public This chapter documents the emergence which I argue contributed to culture in Jamaica in the 1840s and 1850s, in the Morant Bay Rebellion mobilization that culminated the popular democratic movement unintenin 1865. The strength of this popular of an elite anti-democratic tionally led to the reactionary consolidation liberal merchants and the colonial pact between conservative planters. Revolution, just as in the United state. Just as in Haiti after the Liberal and as in later Central Era, just States after the Reconstruction democratic opening was met with an American politics, a potential about the Jamaican authoritarian backlash. What is most interesting networks of civil experience is the extent to which the well-developed of a semi-peasant allowed for the elucidation and articulation dominant society democratic ideology. Not only were the semi-proletarian (for it remains in the archives for groups unable to suppress it entirely inform radical Jamaican politics all to see), but it also continued to well into the twentieth century. political ideologies is based on This interpretation of Afro-Jamaican sections. I document the emertwo modes of analysis. In the first two instances of 'riot' or of black publics and focus on the major to these gence in post-slavery Jamaica. In addition violent political protest sixty public however. I have also collected approximately the instances, contention from the 1830s to texts' produced in processes of political from public meetings, printed 1860s, including petitions, resolutions anonymous letters of threat reports of speeches made at public meetings. archives, misOr posters. The major sources are government and placards and contemporary memoirs and histosionary archives, local newspapers nor a complete In this this is neither a random sample ries. regard. from the period, but represents a theoretically catalogue of all public texts during moments of guided search for instances of popular claim-making limitations of colonial intense public debate. In spite of the recognized Isaacman 1993), I believe archives as sources for subaltern history (cf. number of texts offer a key resource in a respects. that these public --- Page 195 --- Popular democracy and the Underhill Convention 175 record the actual rhetorical genres and political disFirst, they and writing them; in this sense, courses of those involved in framing connections of memthere is a web of symbolic meaning that indicates leave a trail of conories. ideas and arguments over time. Second, they communication and nections indicating the actual channels of political members ofthe brokers whose hands it passed (c.g. literate the through editors, local colonial officials, community, missionaries. newspaper eventually into local Or metropolitan the Colonial Office in London, of one document in archives). Third, through the temporal reflects pattern the actual give and take response to another, the set as a whole embody the available communication over time. They of political communication and dynamic contention that repertoires of political of political agency and state constrained and enabled particular types of the 1840s and culminatStarting with the social tensions response. Movement of 1865, this chapter charts the emering in the Underhill in Jamaica. , local colonial officials, community, missionaries. newspaper eventually into local Or metropolitan the Colonial Office in London, of one document in archives). Third, through the temporal reflects pattern the actual give and take response to another, the set as a whole embody the available communication over time. They of political communication and dynamic contention that repertoires of political of political agency and state constrained and enabled particular types of the 1840s and culminatStarting with the social tensions response. Movement of 1865, this chapter charts the emering in the Underhill in Jamaica. However, to gence of popular democratic ideologies which British subjects operated - SO understand the political space in first turn to the contours of more different from Haiti's we must and the colonial state in violent interaction between black publics Jamaica. Democratic politics and riotous bargaining Jamaica was surprisingly open to peasants, semiPolitical space in in to Haiti. proletarians and the urban poor, at least comparison were in fact highly small landholders and some urban artisans Jamaican yearly elections of vestry members, less involved in politics, including and, for those who could clections of the House of Assembly frequent meetings, petitioning and occasionally not vote, participation in public As Heuman has suggested, more violent demonstrations Or riots. accounts of the freed slaves in postemancipaThe traditional little hint oftheir role in politics. It has tion Jamaica provide of the freed slaves left the plantabeen suggested that most in the interior of the island, and tions, set up communities institutions. Historians had little to do with local political well as the franchise concluded that politics as have therefore in the hands of the white planter class. Recent were largely that this view fails to take account of more research suggests after the abolition of slavery. complex developments the political role of the peasants Specifically, it overlooks and small farmers (Heuman 1981: 117). in politics. It has tion Jamaica provide of the freed slaves left the plantabeen suggested that most in the interior of the island, and tions, set up communities institutions. Historians had little to do with local political well as the franchise concluded that politics as have therefore in the hands of the white planter class. Recent were largely that this view fails to take account of more research suggests after the abolition of slavery. complex developments the political role of the peasants Specifically, it overlooks and small farmers (Heuman 1981: 117). --- Page 196 --- 176 DemocracyA After. Slavery As the enfranchisement that came with freehold land increased in Jamaica, black and brown men (if not ownership qualified to vote in grcater numbers (even if still women) became comparison to the extremely limited in population as a whole). As out, West Indian governments William Green points and narrow franchises were dominated by elected assemblies, served as the cornerstones of white power... In the 1863 election for the oligarchic 1,457 votes were cast out ofa population Jamaican Assembly only (Green 11976] 1991: 176-77). numbering above 440,000' Nevertheless, enteen non-white members ofthe House by 1859, there were sevforty-seven (Sewell [1862] 1968: of Assembly out of a total of 254). When Edward only two black Assemblymen) Vickars (one of won the Spanish Town seat, supporters paraded him victoriously his black but changes in the electoral law in through the streets of Kingston; regain it (Wilmot 1994). 1859 meant that he was unable to As in Jacksonian America, electoral more raucous character, politics began to take on a Ryan 1990) and spilling over into outdoor public spaces including what Heuman describes (cf. intimidation. After a clerk of the as ruffianism and 1851, for example, the Falmouth vestry was killed in an election riot in low, unruly Post referred to those involved as mobocracy', and berated the 'unwashed 'a (Heuman 1981: 118-19). At times, the line constituency' mobs in the streets and actual riots between rowdy meetings, reactions of police, militias, depended largely on the actions and Heuman (1981) and Holt courts and government officials. Both tics in this period, (1992) have carefully studied electoral polidemonstrating the and black voting block known emergence of a 'colored',J Jewish more mercantile interests as the "Town Party' and will than those of the representing instead focus on the less studied planters" "Country Party'.1 which the so-called 'mob' popular life of the towns, from emerged.' IfAfro-Jamaican publics first took gations in the rural milieu of shape among Baptist congretensions of the mid- to late plantations and free villages, the social autonomous and racially 1840s produced an increasingly between workers and conscious black public. Efforts to build trust decade of frcedom; employers had progressed little in the at the same time, the first Nonconformist missionaries and estate alliance between brittle. The Sugar Duties Act of 1846 and labourers was also increasingly 1847 led to the failure of eighteen a broader economic crisis in Britain, as well as the West India West Indian merchant houses in 91). In this situation, the Bank, based in Barbados (Hall 1959: House of Assembly done Country Party pushed to have the Jamaican control over plantation away with SO that they could exercise labour. "The Merchant or Town full party, on the same time, the first Nonconformist missionaries and estate alliance between brittle. The Sugar Duties Act of 1846 and labourers was also increasingly 1847 led to the failure of eighteen a broader economic crisis in Britain, as well as the West India West Indian merchant houses in 91). In this situation, the Bank, based in Barbados (Hall 1959: House of Assembly done Country Party pushed to have the Jamaican control over plantation away with SO that they could exercise labour. "The Merchant or Town full party, on the --- Page 197 --- Popular democracy and the Underhill Convention 177 Hall, *sought to increase the power of the other hand', argues all the ancient claims to rights and privileges' Assembly by. asserting between the two factions that created a (ibid: 98). It was this tension could crack in the facade of planter power in which popular politics take hold. crisis and strained labour relations led By 1848, a sharp political defined grievances and to a *spirit of disaffection'. - evident in racially A collection of in some instances a black-centred political ideology. Outbreak in the Colonial Office documents entitled Apprehended mood. One man wrote to Western Parishes, 1848', indicates the new from Savanna-la-Mar in June 1848: Governor Grey I for my own part of late perceived a spirit of bitterness, and daring provocation rapidly gaining wanton insolence. classes of the community; and a growth among certain of order and restrictive law, White hatred and impatience evinced among our working Man's' or Buckra law,' openly mind.. betokening a vast change in the popular population, [sic] ofinsurrectionary [A]s in 1831 there are again symtoms the white inhabitants movement, directed towards expelling [emphasis in from this colony, at least in this parish original).? stating that there had Attached to his report was a memorandum and meeting of the Baptists in Savanna-la-Mar, recently been a large its was evidently con- 'that whether intended or not by promoters, above 2500 negroes ducted as an exhibition of physical force.. by intimidated the non-black population attended!" This large group them. From the galloping up and down the streets, rudely for the splashing worse has been almost day of this meeting, a marked change discontent debate universally observed among the peasantry the The and wanton rudeness being symptoms'. field consultation that meetings were being held on image of 'field consultation' suggests interference; peasants were conrural sites, independent of any white influence. formats outside of missionary trolling their own meeting Westmoreland indicated extensive preparaOther reports from Dancing and John canoetions going on for the August 'Drumming, 'allied to passive resistance'; ing'; workers with sullen characters and to pay up their taxes Baptists getting labourers to sign resolutions observers linked the unrest to (in order to claim voting rights). Some who had spoken openly abuse of the Home Government by planters, States, raising fears of reallegiance to the United of transferring stated that *the arrival of enslavement. Others, as noted previously, the shores of Jamaica, together colored refugees from [Haiti] on many John canoetions going on for the August 'Drumming, 'allied to passive resistance'; ing'; workers with sullen characters and to pay up their taxes Baptists getting labourers to sign resolutions observers linked the unrest to (in order to claim voting rights). Some who had spoken openly abuse of the Home Government by planters, States, raising fears of reallegiance to the United of transferring stated that *the arrival of enslavement. Others, as noted previously, the shores of Jamaica, together colored refugees from [Haiti] on many --- Page 198 --- 178 Democracy Afier Slavery with accounts from all parts of Europe of their risings of the people governments, may havc excited a few of the more against clever of the laboring. class-to instructed and thoughts'.3 lt was indulge in wild and clcar to such commentators that dangerous goes on in Haiti may cxcite a few reprobates 'intelligence of what lation to indulge in wicked thoughts and amongst the black popushows that the unrest went audacious language". lt also beyond local putes; it is evidence of a popular grievances and labour distional events and public with an awareness ofinternaa critical appraisal of the of unrepresentative colonial government. practices an Political participation by labourers and critique not only of the planters, but also of the pcasants was leading to a rity) of the freedom they were very terms (and secushown for supposed to be enjoying. As Mallon has ninetcenth-century Mexico and Peru, between promise and practice became "(t]he contradiction ically dynamic construction a central tension in the historof national-democratic movements, providing the space for struggles discourses and meaningl peasants and other rural folk over their practice and national-democratic discourse and took up the challenge of version of a more egalitarian attempted to create their own tant political discourse of practice' (Mallon 1995: 9). A more miliand justice was replacing 'Buckra Law' with real freedom rights, emerging. It drew on the elite liberal fairness, justice and political discourse of in a more critical appraisal of what representation, but went beyond it would look like. real equality and real freedom In response to the feared outbreak in 1848, police reinforcements from the Governor sent Kingston, and was given full publicity. It is a good printed a Proclamation that mode of addressing citizens, similar example of the colonial state's in Haiti, but laying far more in some ways to modes of address with the obligations of the citizen. emphasis on the guarantee of rights along the rights and duties of As a kind oflecture on freedom and citizenship, it is worth quoting at some The Freedom, which length: Jamaica, was given to the Negro was given without recall or People of ofthe Laborers ofthat Race reserve, and the rights tions as those of the now stand on the same foundaPeople of England, and Planter or Proprietor, or those of the are a part of the Empire. The Crown, to which the Constitution of the Subjects is equally due, will afford allegiance of all its tion of the Laws, and will to all equally the protecrights, and secure to all the enjoyment of their especially that first and cious of all rights their greatest and most prepersonal freedom... Whilst this Laborers ofthat Race reserve, and the rights tions as those of the now stand on the same foundaPeople of England, and Planter or Proprietor, or those of the are a part of the Empire. The Crown, to which the Constitution of the Subjects is equally due, will afford allegiance of all its tion of the Laws, and will to all equally the protecrights, and secure to all the enjoyment of their especially that first and cious of all rights their greatest and most prepersonal freedom... Whilst this --- Page 199 --- Popular democracy and the Underhill Convention 179 and Assurance of their Freedom, and their Rights. Warranty of Jamaica, it is is willingly given to the Negro People the Laws, of required of them that they shall conform to of Her which those Rights form a part: That as good Subjects of Majesty they will abhor and prevent the employment the to others, and that in Violence or Threatening Language Liberty which enjoyment ofthe perpetual and Constitutional will abstain as belonging to them, they is gladly recognized Behaviour, which might alarm the from all Riotous and Rude by minds of Peacable Persons; and will endeavour, of Soberness and Steadiness of Demeanour. and by Prudence Conduct and of Language, to shew that they are worthy to of freemen, and to be the Fathers of sustain the Character Free Families.1 had been exercising their rights and trying out Yet, the 'Negro People freedom for over ten years, with little success. the guarantees oftheir forceful means of political contention and Many began to turn to more claim-making. period, the black and brown populations In the post-emancipation relatively small white population was were growing. while the already mobile population began to chalshrinking (see Table 7). This newly but also in the public lenge planter control not only on the plantations, females outnumbered of the towns. As noted above, non-white spaces period, and formed the majormales throughout the post-emancipation and William Sewell estiity of the population of the larger towns ports. 65,000 children mated in 1860 that Jamaica had approximately labourers of both sexes between the ages of five and fifteen; 20,000 class'; *who may still be regarded as a laboring working on the estates servants; about 3000 working on about 10,000 working as domestic mechanics and tradesmen; and road building; a number of merchants, who were small proprietors, the remainder of the non-white population when they could (Sewell who worked on the estates for wages yet [1862] 1968: 254). male-headed rural households left the govThe colonial vision of of urban Jamaica where a semifor the politics ernment unprepared from the declining plantations was proletarian population displaced culture was emerging on the streets of gathering. A new urban political in the mid-nineteenth century, and Kingston and other large towns formation. Protest involved the entire women were instrumental in its ofthe street and the community, and emerged out of the popular justicc Swithin Wilmot by women as well as men. market, locales populated not only in plantation labour has begun to trace women's participation left the govThe colonial vision of of urban Jamaica where a semifor the politics ernment unprepared from the declining plantations was proletarian population displaced culture was emerging on the streets of gathering. A new urban political in the mid-nineteenth century, and Kingston and other large towns formation. Protest involved the entire women were instrumental in its ofthe street and the community, and emerged out of the popular justicc Swithin Wilmot by women as well as men. market, locales populated not only in plantation labour has begun to trace women's participation --- Page 200 --- 180 Democracy After Slavery "Colour'and: Sex, 1844 and 1861 Table 7 Jamaican Population by 'Brown' 'Black' Total' 'White' 31,646 140,698 181,633 male 36,883 152,430 195,800 female 293,128 377,433 subtotal 15,776 68,529 38,223 167,277 212,795 male 42,842 179,097 228,460 female 346,374 441,255 subtotal 13,816 81,065 Census from Higman 1980) (based on Figures when so-called riots arose out protests, but also in urban 'riots'. . Even examples show that they of religious or cultural issues, the following demonstrated black physical in SO far as they a were always political of the state. In and numerical strength against representatives power of recaptured (and indentured) clash with police over the treatment named Mary Clarke was Africans in Falmouth in 1840, a woman and we were 'She abused the Police frequently singled out by police: retreated with reluctance, and obliged to put her back. She always from first to last.. back again.. Mary Clarke was conspicuous with came and asked what right they had to interfere She damned the police is claimed as a public space. to people in the street'. Here the street which the people had a "right'. in 1842, the Morning Journal After Christmas riots in Kingston festivities were banned by the reported that when the usual John Canoe for playing a violin, angry mayor. and a man was arrested simply women assembled: body who had But SO soon as the people saw that one oftheir order, had violated no law, who had acted contrary to no 4-5ths assembled in numbers. been taken by the police. they but it consisted of them women. The crowd was great. it that the police chiefly of defenseless women. Then was the people which was unparalcommitted an outrage upon instead of recomleled. Seeing the people thus assembled, attempted to mending them quietly to disperse.. (tjhe police recourse to down and then had the people ride the people began the uproar. brick-bats; then. as he was informed, driven back and eventually opened fire on the crowd, The police were woman, and wounding killing three people. including one pregnant consisted of them women. The crowd was great. it that the police chiefly of defenseless women. Then was the people which was unparalcommitted an outrage upon instead of recomleled. Seeing the people thus assembled, attempted to mending them quietly to disperse.. (tjhe police recourse to down and then had the people ride the people began the uproar. brick-bats; then. as he was informed, driven back and eventually opened fire on the crowd, The police were woman, and wounding killing three people. including one pregnant --- Page 201 --- Popular democracy and the Underhill Convention 181 the of "defenseless' women was capseveral others. Although imagery urban crowds were in fact far more italized on by this writer, these who had once challenged threatening than the small groups of women autonomous personnel. As James Scott suggests, 'large, plantation to domination because of gatherings of subordinates are threatening inferiors. 16 among normally disaggregated the license they promote riots of February 1859, tollDuring the Westmoreland Tollgate down after petiand tollhouses on the main roads were pulled gates were ignored. Over one hundred warrants tions to have them removed were bound over to appear at the were put out and thirty-onc people the court was surrounded by a Circuit Court. During the hearing, petty who threatened mob collected principally of Females and boys," 'large the The Circuit Court meeting witnesses and interrupted proceedings. when crowds estimated as up in Savanna-la-Mar had to be adjourned the A of over 'male and female', filled streets. group to 10,000 people, stoned the police station, broke 1800 people attacked thirty policemen, interior. As the Custos put it, 'every windows and vandalized its are now male and female, amongst the laboring population, all person, in this movement and from sympathising with the parties concerned Because women were I can learn labor is at a standstill on the estates".7 goods backbone of the internal marketing network, shifting the and the towns for tiny profits, added tolls between the countryside burdensome to them. were particularly riot broke out during a court case in In July 1859, another from the lock-up, assailed both Falmouth. The "Rabble' freed prisoners houses of officials. Finally, they police and magistrates and stoned the window; twenty-two attacked the police station and battered in every and woundholed inside opened fire, killing two women policemen up later died; the deaths were ruled to be ing others, one of whom rioters revealed that women were justifiable homicide. Trials of the Anderson, Emily Jackson, Mary Hoad, Margaret prominent, including Isabella Campbell, Mary Frackis, Wilhemina Peterkin, Jessy Simpson, Saffery, Maria Chippendale Adelaide Benarm, Elize Lyon, Rebecca were described by some The crowds involved and Mary Campbell. Emily Jackson was singled out in the witnesses as 'principally female'. who stated that, Emily Jackson was report of the inspector of police. with this stick and flourishing it, also most prominent, she was armed to be leadings [sic] violent. She and Sutherland appears she was very with her that morning and she was one the whole mob. The riot began attack and rescue at the Cage in the of those rescued in the first that she had to be forcibly removed morning' Further reports indicate Buckra commence the war and they from court after shouting that, Da before the week is out you will must take all them get. This is nothing, stated that, Emily Jackson was report of the inspector of police. with this stick and flourishing it, also most prominent, she was armed to be leadings [sic] violent. She and Sutherland appears she was very with her that morning and she was one the whole mob. The riot began attack and rescue at the Cage in the of those rescued in the first that she had to be forcibly removed morning' Further reports indicate Buckra commence the war and they from court after shouting that, Da before the week is out you will must take all them get. This is nothing, --- Page 202 --- 182 Democracy After Slavery down here and they will make them fly' see the whole of the Maroons himself.* Her father was said to bc a Maroon of black publics, Charting the transformation 1838-1865 however, arc not a reliable source for Official reports of "riots', By utilizgrievances, demands or political ideologies. of gauging popular texts, we can arrive at a better assessment ing the database of public discourses of Afro-Jamaicans in this the actual grievances and political culture that I have been tracking in terms period. The shift in political from missionary urbanization and independence can be of increasing in the collection of public texts. These influence is also evident intensive contention. The divided into two main periods of political period from 1838first period is the immediate post-emancipation chapter. was a time of 1844, which, as we have seen in the previous of 1848. the second turmoil. Aside from the rumours of claimgreat political petitioning and other forms major flurry of public meeting, following changes in the elecmaking occurs in the 1858-1865 period. black which had the population. toral laws that began to disenfranchise inroads into formal political represenuntil then been making gradual to an overall shift of these two periods points tation. The comparison with their own leadership. black publics. towards more independent and political ideologies. genres of communication period were almost invariof the 1838-1844 The public mectings of the Baptist missions. The meetably organized under the auspices and the resulting petitioners ings were often held in Baptist chapels. the members of a particuusually identified themselves as representing in contrast. there are In the 1858-65 period, lar Baptist congregation. or congregations. and few references to Baptist organizations or very identification in more generic terms such as "inhabitants' increasing Meetings in this later period also tended to simply 'a public meeting". basis in local court houses, or on an be held either on an official where people lived. There is unofficial basis. in and around the villages from the western evident shift in regional activism away also an where the Baptist Western Union was strong, parishes of Cornwall, of Surrey. where the and towards Kingston and the eastern parishes were more prevamission was weak and the Native Baptists Baptist shifts in the kinds of grievances that lent. There were also somc crucial made. and the demands that were were expressed framework of analysis, the following Matching our previous of economic. political discussion will be divided into a consideration . There is unofficial basis. in and around the villages from the western evident shift in regional activism away also an where the Baptist Western Union was strong, parishes of Cornwall, of Surrey. where the and towards Kingston and the eastern parishes were more prevamission was weak and the Native Baptists Baptist shifts in the kinds of grievances that lent. There were also somc crucial made. and the demands that were were expressed framework of analysis, the following Matching our previous of economic. political discussion will be divided into a consideration --- Page 203 --- Popular democracy and the Underhill Convention and civil grievances and demands. In was a shift in the public texts from relation to the first area, there force in the 1838-1844 the concerns of a plantation labour and urban informal period, to the concerns of a small sector in the peasantry ers identified themselves 1858-65 period. Where carly later most often as 'freedmen' and petitiongroups of petitioners often identified "laborers', the 'small settlers' and "mechanics'. themselves as peasants," appears in relation to 'the Indeed, a whole new was not evident in the masses' or the mass of the language earlier period. Where people', which cerned with labour bargaining with the the early petitions are conical representation, the later large estates and issues of politrange of issues more relevant petitions are concerned with a broader plantations. There is also to a community that has the depression. a distinctive new concern with escaped poverty and the poor economic to the decline in the Jamaican sufferers',a discourse clearly linked In general terms, there are economy. five main cerns related to land and economic peasant or smallholder conto land and secure land tenure either rights. First, peasants require access basis. Sccond, they on an individual Or a familial mulate tools, seeds require and access to capital or credit in order to accuthey require the storage facilities with which to work. capacity to process their Third, to add the greatest value to it before sale. agricultural produce in order ity to transport crops to market Fourth, they need the capacinformation available on a regular basis, with found. on when and where the best appropriate Finally, they require some political prices might be ests in order to have some influence representation of their interation and tariff levels. Each over economic policy such as taxand sets of ofthese areas creates particular grievances or political demands. problems The problem ofi insecure land tenure can lead to distribution and access to state-owned lands. demands for land tion tie into grievances Problems of capitalizashare-cropping concerning the advance of credit on arrangements and of crops, to demands such as the formation problems debt pconage, and lead credit associations of savings banks, the or the abolition of indentured formation of concerns relate to the role of middle-men in labour. Processing export processing, and may lead to demands monopolizing for profitable ment in central processing plants, shared cooperative investing associations. Transport issues storage facilities and marketinvestment in roads, taxation of may be linked to grievances over ing fees and the role of exploitative transport, retail and wholesale licenseconomic decision making is connected speculators. Finally, influence over cerned with levelling the to a range of demands conplaying field between ers, and creating a favourable big and small landholdeconomic climate for independent of concerns relate to the role of middle-men in labour. Processing export processing, and may lead to demands monopolizing for profitable ment in central processing plants, shared cooperative investing associations. Transport issues storage facilities and marketinvestment in roads, taxation of may be linked to grievances over ing fees and the role of exploitative transport, retail and wholesale licenseconomic decision making is connected speculators. Finally, influence over cerned with levelling the to a range of demands conplaying field between ers, and creating a favourable big and small landholdeconomic climate for independent --- Page 204 --- 184 Democ racy After Slavery the abolition of subsidies for indentured peasant production (including these economic concerns and demands labour). Aspects of each of in the pctitions ofthc 1858-65 period. and appeari of trends concerns the political grievances A second sct Here we have already seen that there demands expressed in these texts. almost as and political representation were calls for enfranchisement However, in the 1838-1844 period, soon as slavery was abolished. missions, tended to target public claim-making led by Baptist popular and to be sent out to British philanthropists local colonial government the petitioners were more likely and "friends of liberty". In 1858-1865. their political activities the Queen directly and to broker to petition and religious leaders, rather than through local non-white political with planters over political white missionaries. In the struggle through also become more explicit and detailed. control, political demands against planter govHaving started out in terms of a general grievance the 1850s. there are and the continuation of slavery, by ernment' class legislation. immigration specific concerns with taxation, injustice, Disenfranchisement labour, and planter oppression". of indentured after 1858, and the public texts begin to becomes a central concern of political rights such as the frandemand protection (and extension) at the local level of participation in decision-making chise, greater officials. By 1865, vestries and more control over expelling corrupt the economic and politthis becomes a call for an official enquiry into ical conditions of Jamaica. the of civil rights as a The third set of trends concerns emergence the demands are for claim-making. Here key key locus of political freedom of the press and a right to education. freedom of association, also include more identity oriented' In this category, we could ofissues ofi importance to the demands concerning public recognition These include requests for labouring population of African descent. Day as a celebration of the First of August Emancipation government and for the support of Africans in other parts public commemoration. demands for the abolition of slavery in the of the world (including discussions oft the need for United States). There are also more explicit their resolutions to demonstrate and to print people to sign petitions. within Jamaica, but also in and petitions in newspapers not only the United States. There is an increasing polarization Britain and even rich and white and black, merof collective identities such as consolidation poor, and framing of chant and mechanic, showing a political collective identification. a distinetive change is evident in popular claim-making One other significant Whereas in the earlier period, every docubetween these two periods. and usually put into his ment was transcribed by a white missionary ). There are also more explicit their resolutions to demonstrate and to print people to sign petitions. within Jamaica, but also in and petitions in newspapers not only the United States. There is an increasing polarization Britain and even rich and white and black, merof collective identities such as consolidation poor, and framing of chant and mechanic, showing a political collective identification. a distinetive change is evident in popular claim-making One other significant Whereas in the earlier period, every docubetween these two periods. and usually put into his ment was transcribed by a white missionary --- Page 205 --- Popular democracy and the Underhill Convention 185 the later texts make evident in their actual language that own words, The growing autonomy of black they were written by Afro-Jamaicans. fact that they began to publics, in other words. is seen in the simple their collective have members of their own communities write down their and demands nearer to their own words and shaped by grievances in 1841, for own Creole forms of expression. At a Baptist meeting example. Joseph McLean observed: often said that a black man could never make a White people he had no education; but, although he speech, because got he could make the people could not use the same fine words, It was not the understand him. and that was good enough. and if fine words, but good sense that makes a good speech, sense, and his hearers all understood a black man spoke good be as good as a white him, his speech would just Some people said Gentleman's, with all his fine language. others said Master, but both meant the same thing, Massa, and he wished to know if the people couldn't understand Massa as well as Master." 1850s, there seems to have been a new sense of agency among By the that they too could make speeches and less formally educated pcople there more petitions written in a 'put their hand to paper'. Not only are frequency of anonylocal Creole idiom, but there is also an increasing courthouses and the private mous letters of threat dropped in front of houses of government officials. Movement itself, it will be useful Before turning to the Underhill it. When the new petitions that preceded to examine some significant requiring a ten-and-a-half shilling electoral law was passed in 1858, black publics were ready to registration fee to be paid by all voters, issue came from a meeting protest against it. The first petition on this in the hills on Court House in Saint David, a parish held at Easington that had a number of black vestrymen. In a the outskirts of Kingston that by this law fa serious petition to the Queen, this group charged subjects, who were emaninjury is done to the class of your Majesty's of British Freemen'. and invested with the rights cipated from slavery, to the political power of planters: Their grievance is linked specifically of this clause, therefore, the entire political By the operation Island is left in the hands of an exceedingly power of the Citizens, most of who belong to that small minority of fellow owned our bodies and souls and class who but too recently to us the equality of who seem loth and backward to accord alike to rights secured by the British Constitution, political who were emaninjury is done to the class of your Majesty's of British Freemen'. and invested with the rights cipated from slavery, to the political power of planters: Their grievance is linked specifically of this clause, therefore, the entire political By the operation Island is left in the hands of an exceedingly power of the Citizens, most of who belong to that small minority of fellow owned our bodies and souls and class who but too recently to us the equality of who seem loth and backward to accord alike to rights secured by the British Constitution, political --- Page 206 --- 186 DemocrucyAfter Slavery should be trained all classes. That the masses of this colony ofthe Country seems in SO as to participate in the legislation all account desirable.0 public meetcreated the occasion for one of the first big This issue also William Gordon. In February 1859, he ings organized by George Court House in Kingston to protest the chaired a mecting at the Old with over five Electoral Law, from which a petition was produced that the numerous 11 This petition added the point hundred signatures. principally of the lately emancipated body of electors, consisting sinew of the country. having a permanent pcople. are the bones and reference to partiality. injustice and stake in its fortunes'. It also made resolutions at this Several of those who moved class legislation. Johnson, Rev. James Roach and Robert meeting Rev. Robert A. and went on to participate in the Wiltshire were Native Baptists Underhill Meetings of 1865. of a subaltern counterpublic The best testimony to the cxistence emerges out of two 1859 consisting of small landholders and labourers rural of Kingston. representing five parishes in the vicinity on petitions memorials, cach with over one thousand signatures These eloquent by Governor Darling on the spuribluc thin-lined paper, were rejected and authenticity" 12 of 'doubts as to their genuineness ous grounds indicates that there was an organized correAdditional correspondence mectings across the parishes and sponding committee mobilizing described the people involved as raising subscriptions. The Custos sense of the word a of than in the ordinary 'more a class ycomanry from 1. 2.5t to 15 and 20 acres peasantry. Possessing freeholds ranging write. whose names have been some of them, many can read and the from her "loyal of attachment' to Queen used"."3 The *testimonial who later refer Devoted Subjects, Mechanics and Peasantries' and sable subjects of Jamaica. of African descent'- to themselves as 'your of loyalty to demonstrate 'how opens with an claborate profession frec and value our privileges as people". much we prize about the laws The petition first lays out political complaints and prevent our us of the rights of trial by jury, 'enacted to deprive fce ofTen shillings and six pence voting at elections unless we pay a of the last vestiges of our politiand hence we see oursleves deprived delivered over to the hands of our most cal liberty and consequently and fears It then moves on to economic grievances inveterate enemies', : and slavery'. It reports that planter of being 'reduced to starvation the of the labourof lack oflabour arise *from nonpayment complaints cruel conduct of the planters toward the people' and ers, the unjust and until an enquiry be made demands an end to indentured immigration oting at elections unless we pay a of the last vestiges of our politiand hence we see oursleves deprived delivered over to the hands of our most cal liberty and consequently and fears It then moves on to economic grievances inveterate enemies', : and slavery'. It reports that planter of being 'reduced to starvation the of the labourof lack oflabour arise *from nonpayment complaints cruel conduct of the planters toward the people' and ers, the unjust and until an enquiry be made demands an end to indentured immigration --- Page 207 --- Popular democr cracy and the Underhill Convention 187 being actually required, and the proas to the necessity of immigrants to their visions that are made for them, and means adopted prevent conthe cruelties of their employers' . The petition being murdered by will attend, on behalf of the cludes with a hope that the Governor of the the First of August Jubilee planned in commemoration Queen. of their emancipation from slavery. twenty-first anniversary much longer, petition to the Governor comes The second, and Mechanics and Peasantries, and, from 'us the small settlers that are disadvantages. suffering under pecuniary who as a people [are] taxation, rights disregarded and tramoppressed by partial and heavy are now about to be pled on, and as a crowning act our privileges over the previous six wrested from us'. It describes the legislation of slavery or something as 'retrograde steps to a refined state years to laws concerning dues and licenses akin to it. It refers in particular taxation of import duties. livestock, market fees and the indirect on political and religious analysis of racial They then provide a striking inequality and class oppression: prevented from improving our Here we see ourselves other crime but because we are circumstances, and for no to the descendants. and being such we are likened african means must be beasts ofthe field, therefore every oppressive manhood.. It employed to trample and reduce our aspiring of a that these men believe in the supremacy does not appear that God is no just God. If they did they would acknowledge and planters of persons, that he governs rich poor, respector white and black. and peasantries, threats them, penalties for representThe petition then refers to against ironically called 'the Jamaican ing their grievances and imprisonment, Sable Subjects morality and Planter's school for teaching Her Majesty ourselves British they attest, We believe civilization'. . Nevertheless, and our enemies may do will ever subjects.. and not all the planters of Jamaica from our attachment sever us [Her Majesty's] sable subjects to her Person and Government". of poor roads to peasant settleThe petition goes on to complain and various other fees. In a ments, unfair taxes on livestock, tollgates they observe that the radical assessment of indentured immigration, and Africans have stained Europeans, Asiatic blood of immigrants, of the countryl] they have been murthe streets, roads, and hedges to obtain immigrants and dered by the very men who are now secking are introduced and obtain their ends that laws and oppressions itis to after'. They conclude with three requests: our extermination sought celebration of the Jubilee of that the Governor attend their public and various other fees. In a ments, unfair taxes on livestock, tollgates they observe that the radical assessment of indentured immigration, and Africans have stained Europeans, Asiatic blood of immigrants, of the countryl] they have been murthe streets, roads, and hedges to obtain immigrants and dered by the very men who are now secking are introduced and obtain their ends that laws and oppressions itis to after'. They conclude with three requests: our extermination sought celebration of the Jubilee of that the Governor attend their public --- Page 208 --- 188 DemocrucyAters Slavery freedom; that there be an official Jamaica: and God's investigation into the condition of final blessings on the Governor and his prayer echoes an earlier passage in which the family. This how To us iti is a great deal to have petitioners describe own.. All our necessities are derived something which we can call our the peasant, who owns a hut and from the soil; the Mechanic, or tented a few acres ofland, feels himself being certain of a home and food... These conwhich we have aspired, and which Gracious are the essentials at with success'. Not only did Governor Providence have crowned ward request to attend the Jubilee, but Darling ignore the straightfortions altogether. The only official he cast aspersions on the petiCustodes of cach parish and response was a circular sent to the printed in the forgery of the signatures and newspapers, announcing the Fletcher and 'other incendiaries' denouncing the covert agitation by Over the next several charged with stirring false grievances. omic recession years, a combination of drought and econbrought on by the U.S. Civil War worst they had been since slavery's made conditions the unemployed population of the abolition (Hall 1959). The large threatening) to the ruling elite. towns became especially apparent (and higglering, domestic Working in an 'informal" work, washing, sewing and little economy of ever-present prostitution, urban women documented but economic downturns. As the Custos of were especially vulnerable to *Out of a population of 27,000 Kingston reported in 1865, have nothing to do. Great persons in Kingston. nearly one-half different yards all day hulking men and women may be seen in the other's heads, long, basking in the sun and picking each obscene alternating the singing of psalms with ribald songs". Baptist missionaries described and existence' of Spanish Town's tradesmen the 'very precarious including 'nearly 1,000 domestics, and other residents in 1865, 772 seamstresses, who not half of whom were got occasional work before employed: Christmas holidays; 422 the August and and 163 fishermen and laundresses, who were nearly all out ofwork; with large numbers fisherwomen'. . The town was seeking relief'. Out of pauper-stricken, the politicized population who this urban milieu emerged and petitions of 1865. 14 participated in the Underhill Meetings The Underhill Convention and democratic participation The most intensive cycle of public Jamaica took place in 1865, meetings in Underhill in a series of events post-emancipation Meetings. Edward Bean Underhill, known as the secretary of the Baptist undresses, who were nearly all out ofwork; with large numbers fisherwomen'. . The town was seeking relief'. Out of pauper-stricken, the politicized population who this urban milieu emerged and petitions of 1865. 14 participated in the Underhill Meetings The Underhill Convention and democratic participation The most intensive cycle of public Jamaica took place in 1865, meetings in Underhill in a series of events post-emancipation Meetings. Edward Bean Underhill, known as the secretary of the Baptist --- Page 209 --- Popular democracy and the Underhill Convention 189 Society, had long taken an interest in Jamaican emancipaMissionary wrote to Edward Cardwell, Secretary of tion.' 15 In January 1865, he about starvation State for the Colonies. following reports in England His letter referred to the and poverty among the Jamaican peasantry. the lack of work, drought distress of the people consequent on paying concerning lack of and heavy taxation, as well as their grievances an enquiry justice and the denial of political rights. He recommended and suggested the into the legislation of the island since emancipation, small freeholders. A copy formation of marketing associations for the Colonial office, in of this letter reached Governor Eyre, from the was sent In March, a circular echoing the same grievances February. Society to all the Custodes.judges, magout by the Baptist Missionary it was also published in the istrates and clergy of all denominations; debate, Eyre had copies Jamaica Guardian. Given the emerging public throughout the island, and of Underhill's letter printed and circulated to the accusamissionaries and other local officials to respond asked with the intent of disproving them. 16 His plan tions presumably when circulation of the letter appears to have backfired, however, discussions in every parish about the became the catalyst for public for reactions 'gave to the subject state of the island. His official request *It became at once the importance' according to Underhill. unexpected discussion in every class ofthe community' (Underhill topic of heated Rev. Samuel Holt explained at a public 1895: 13). As the black the of the times but we meeting in Montego Bay, We all felt hardship know what the rumbling did not know what was the cause; we did not letter? Then we was till every one ask. have you read Dr. Underhill's that bring us here know what all the disturbance was, and the rumbling today". dozens of pages of evidence and subBaptist ministers gathered calling for a government mitted an eighteen-page summary report of the island. Their own investiCommission of Enquiry into the state and nakedness substantiated Underhill's report of starvation prices, gations This was blamed on low wages and high among the peasantry. A recent drought had forced more stemming from a number of causes. was being grown since people to seek estate work, while less sugar there was also an prices were low, both tending to drive down Indian wages; labourers, as well as increasing use ofi indentured African and People also women's and 'children's gangs'. more use of low-paid of unfair taxation, laws biased towards complained to the missionaries in the courts. the big planters and lack ofjustice of the island, when he Governor Eyre's report on the condition letter, blamed the peasantry transmitted the responses to the Underhill in a great measure to the '[It) owes its origin for their impoverishment: also an prices were low, both tending to drive down Indian wages; labourers, as well as increasing use ofi indentured African and People also women's and 'children's gangs'. more use of low-paid of unfair taxation, laws biased towards complained to the missionaries in the courts. the big planters and lack ofjustice of the island, when he Governor Eyre's report on the condition letter, blamed the peasantry transmitted the responses to the Underhill in a great measure to the '[It) owes its origin for their impoverishment: --- Page 210 --- 190 Democracy-Afier Slavery habits and character of the people, induced by the climate, the facility of supplying their genial nature of the comparatively little exertion, and their wants in ordinary seasons at and inactivity. and to remain natural disposition to indolence absolute wants'. 18 To this satisfied with what barely supplies explanation he added other including: idleness, apathy, pride, improvidence, short-comings, bling, social disorganization and night-revels, gamOffice, Henry Taylor added his open profligacy'. At the Colonial believe the own notes to the report, question to be at bottom merely a stating I Negroe is to be industrious question of whether the or according to the industry of other according to the standard ofindustry which he has Countries in Jamaica" : Citing Machiavelli and Adam set up for himself *Negroe Race is I think by Smith, he added that the than others and he will not exert temperament volatile and sanguine more gencies'.1 19 The Colonial himself to provide against rare continreport was that 'it does Office response to the Baptist minister's not appear that [the people] are any general or continuous distress from which suffering from once relieved by settled industry". they would not be at Although public discussion of Underhill's letter Baptist missionaries, it quickly began among The Attorney General for spread as public meetings were called. Jamaica Alexander dismay how 'the people went to these Heslop described in made speeches and passed resolutions. Underhill meetings, and they struck me at the Kingston and this is what particularly formed a meeting, which is sort of a head-quarters: corresponding committee to they other parishes, and got up similar correspond with the people in the meetings in the tation'. . To his alarm, they "formed themselves country upon that agicalled "The Underhill Convention". into a permanent society As Eyre noted when he transmitted with branches all over the country'. meeting organized by the resolutions from the George W. Gordon in public fifteenth resolution "calls upon the Kingston in early May. the the Island to form Societies and descendants of Africa throughout purpose of setting forth their hold Meetings, and co-operate for the political demagogues grievances. There are always a number of wrongs". 21 That this ready to stir the people to a belief of group was addressing the imaginary throughout the island' was "descendants of Africa since it suggested a political especially alarming to the government, generic British identity that went beyond simply 'Dr. subjects. By now the blundering being Underhill's letter will be productive of Eyre realized that unsettling the minds of the much evil to this Colony by yet, it was he who had made Peasantry it and making them discontented:" Evidence public, SO he had only himself on the Underhill to blame. their own resolutions and in Conventionists comes in part from part from additional correspondence out the island' was "descendants of Africa since it suggested a political especially alarming to the government, generic British identity that went beyond simply 'Dr. subjects. By now the blundering being Underhill's letter will be productive of Eyre realized that unsettling the minds of the much evil to this Colony by yet, it was he who had made Peasantry it and making them discontented:" Evidence public, SO he had only himself on the Underhill to blame. their own resolutions and in Conventionists comes in part from part from additional correspondence --- Page 211 --- Popular democracy and the Underhill Convention 191 Commission that investigated the Morant Bay collected by the Royal its heels. The Convention formed folRebellion, which followed on chapel on Hanover lowing a meeting at Rev. Edwin Palmer's Baptist meetings were held Street in Kingston, in April 1865. Related public Lucea (Westmoreland) in April; at Kingston, at Savanna-la-Mar James), Four Paths (Clarendon & (Hanover). Montego Bay (St. Catherine) in May; at Mannings Manchester), and Spanish Town (St. David) in June; at Saint Ann's Town (St. Mary) and Easington (St. (St. Thomas in the Bay (St. Ann) in July; and. finally, at Morant Bay resolutions that were East) in August. All oft these meetings produced to the Governor; some usually printed in local newspapers and sent the Governor or the also sent formal petitions or memorials to 'for the expression Colonial Office. 22 Thus began a popular movement not sentiment on the part of the Freedmen . [who were] of public of their rights, men risen from their own without able expounders their civil rights, and of standing ranks.. fully capable of appreciating defend them' (Underhill 1895: before an audience to advocate and numerous informal 23-4). In addition to these formal public meetings, In St. Thomas seem to have taken place in smaller villages. meetings meetings were led by Native Baptists Paul in the East, especially, which there was reported to be talk of Bogle and James McLaren, at asked to swear oaths on the Bible an uprising, and people were (Heuman 1994: 80-83). clearly saw this as an The organizers of the Underhill Meetings Afro-Jamaicans to to challenge elite publics by mobilizing the opportunity George W. Gordon's radical newspaper, speak for themselves. Free Press, gleefully reported in Jamaica Watchman and People's has been triumphantly sucearly June that 'the Underhill Convention meeting, despite the Since the Kingston cessful in its operation. meetings after meetings have taken malignity of our contemporaries, island'. Most importantly, the Watchman place in other parts of the challenge to the elite: described the mectings as a public explicitly Custodes of parishes have been designedly The several of the actual condition of the duped into a contradiction have expected that the people of the island. Little could they awakened.. .and rise people would have been slumbering contradiction to their cooked 'en mass' and give the emphatic the Governor for transmisup statements to his Excellency Great Britain. If the people of sion to the authorities in when will they do SO again. For Jamaica do not speak now, submitted to the iron yoke of oppresyears have they tamely taxed again and again.. .until sion; they have been taxed; actual condition of the duped into a contradiction have expected that the people of the island. Little could they awakened.. .and rise people would have been slumbering contradiction to their cooked 'en mass' and give the emphatic the Governor for transmisup statements to his Excellency Great Britain. If the people of sion to the authorities in when will they do SO again. For Jamaica do not speak now, submitted to the iron yoke of oppresyears have they tamely taxed again and again.. .until sion; they have been taxed; --- Page 212 --- 192 Democracy After Slavery defiance to the pressure of an oligarchical now, bidding the fire has been kindled in them, they dynasty, and now to the words of distress.2 have at last given utterance rested in Britain, Gordon's supporters Aware that ultimate authority local power-holders by appealrecognized that they could circumvent Gordon himself had done ing directly to the Colonial Secretary (as Parliament, to the Queen several occasions in the past), to British on to the British public. The Underhill and, perhaps, most importantly, alternative public an African, Meetings would give voice to an class and rural peasant public.2 poor. black, urban working the of the Underhill Chairman and Secretary The acting and Joseph Burton. The Jamaica Convention were Thomas Rodney and Burton were circulating in Guardiau published a letter that Rodney agitation (and was July 1865, which was seen as evidence of political the close relaGovernor Eyre to Cardwell). It indicates passed on by public opinion and networks of tionship between British and Jamaican were orchestrated in communication. since the Jamaican meetings direct response to public debate in England: discussion in England on the subject. with As thereis now a the labouring people a view to elicit the truth, whether or not and the of this colour are distressed in circumstances. their advauceenemies of the negro race, and opposers of to bring into ment, are busy both with their tongues and pens the rampant disrepute and falsify the statements regarding the of Jamaica and to censure distress and oppression Missiouaries and conduct of Doctor Uuderhill, the Baptist British let us in the same before the public, others, bringing to furnish our seize the present favourable opportunity details of this Philanthropic friends there with the necessary them in their advocacy on our fact, in order to straighten which you can do this is to behalf. But the Only Way by aud pass meetiug and theu to propose convene (l public aud oppressed certain resolutions expressiug yourdistressed condition [italics in original),- self-conscious creation of an adversarial printThis evidence of the of 'the negro race' shows an awarepublic representing the viewpoints to meetings with and an ability organize ness of political opportunities of immediate grievances. much larger aims than the mere expression the local ofthe public resolutions was not only government, The target furnish British with firstbut a wider public: the aim, to supporters hand evidence and straighten them in their advocacy'. vene (l public aud oppressed certain resolutions expressiug yourdistressed condition [italics in original),- self-conscious creation of an adversarial printThis evidence of the of 'the negro race' shows an awarepublic representing the viewpoints to meetings with and an ability organize ness of political opportunities of immediate grievances. much larger aims than the mere expression the local ofthe public resolutions was not only government, The target furnish British with firstbut a wider public: the aim, to supporters hand evidence and straighten them in their advocacy'. --- Page 213 --- Popular democracy and the Underhill Convention 193 response to the Underhill letter might not have The Governor's however, in had it not been SO widely publicized; been SO inflammatory Eyre made a April. just as Underhill's letter was gaining notoriety, of 1865 to second miscalculation of public opinion. The first petition of was sent from the parish the Queen from a popular gathering Underhill meetings. The poor people St. Ann in April, prior to the first of land, of St. Ann' asked the government to secure them a quantity cultivate coffee, and then we will put our hands and heart to work, and We will form a corn, canes, cotton and tobacco, and other produce. Victoria our Queen company for that purpose. if our Gracious Lady to receive such produce as we may cultivate, will also appoint an agent while at work' (Underhill 1895: and give us means of subsistence Office, drafted by 277).,26 An answer came back from the Colonial to nip Taylor. and seized on by Governor Eyre as an opportunity Henry In he had fifty thousand copies of the the movement in the bud. July, in every district of the printed. 'distributed and posted response entitled "The Qucen's Advice', 1 stated: island'.27 The poster, of the labouring classes, as well as of all other The prosperity in Jamaica and in other communities. upon classes, depends or capriciously, but their working for wages, not uncertainly, when their labour is steadily and continuously, at the times and that if they wanted, and for SO long as it is wanted; this industry, and thereby render the plantations would use would enable the planters to pay them productive, they hours of work than are received higher wages for the same and, as the cost of by the best field labourers in this country; in Jamaica than it is the necessaries of life is SO much less would be enabled. by adding prudence to industry, here, they for seasons of drought and to lay by an ample provision assured, that it is from their own dearth; and they may be themselves of the means industry and prudence, in availing them, and not from any such of prospering that are before that they must look schemes as have been suggested to them, (Semmel 1968: in their conditions for an improvement 43-4). stirred people to join the public If Underhill's letter had not already official advice, posted across debate, this insensitive and inappropriate outdoor publication of the certainly did. The extensive the island, over the discursive framing of Queen's Advice sparked off a struggle if the labourers were lazy Poverty meant one thing Jamaica's problems. another if they were deprived of fair wages, and improvident, quite treated by the local government. "oppressed' by the planters and unjustly : in their conditions for an improvement 43-4). stirred people to join the public If Underhill's letter had not already official advice, posted across debate, this insensitive and inappropriate outdoor publication of the certainly did. The extensive the island, over the discursive framing of Queen's Advice sparked off a struggle if the labourers were lazy Poverty meant one thing Jamaica's problems. another if they were deprived of fair wages, and improvident, quite treated by the local government. "oppressed' by the planters and unjustly --- Page 214 --- 194 Democracy After Slavery that the Queen's Advice was The Custos of St. Elizabeth reported The People never see the "represented here as a "false make up". Cardwell's letter'. Even morc and few have heard ol Mr. ofintended disturbgazette the parish was "distressed by rumours the of taxes alarmingly. among them the resisting payment ances by the Negrocs: lands to their own use is said to be their every and the appropriation of the chat among the negroes is "Buckra day conversation.. 1 am told One minister was hooted out by his has gun. Negro has fire stick"2 Advice. In St. James, there congregation after reading the Queen's and letters ofa possible refusal to pay taxes, anonymous were rumours The Governor became concerned of threat to merchants and planters. and had two vessels of war about an outbreak in the Western parishes. blank shots along the way. 29 sent around the western coast, firing James (Revs. Henderson. Dendy. The Baptist ministers in St. all took part in the Montego Bay Reid. Hewitt and Maxwell, who to circulate the Queen's Underhill Meeting), wrote to Eyre to decline in their part of the Advice, saying it had no meaning to the people not economic ones. island, who had 'social and political grievances'. Governor Eyre was infuriated by this insubordination: clear that if the Ministers of Religion residing It is quite debased and excitable colored populaamongst an ignorant, to endorse and re-iterate assertion, take upon themselves letter. to the effect that tions such as those in Dr. Underhill's naked: that their addiction the people are starving, ragged or that all this arises to thieving is the result of extreme poverty; that such taxation is from the taxation being too heavy: that they are refused just unjust upon the colored population: then such Ministers do tribunals and denied political rights, discontented. but to their best not only to make the laborer laws and constituted stimulate sedition and resistance to the authorities." discussion with threats of Eyre was already trying to rein in public and free speech were becomsedition charges: freedom of association colonial government. By worrisome to the beleaguered was ing particularly of Underhill Meetings already this time, however, the organization Ministers. Having taken on a far more beyond the control of Baptist movement was beginning to popular character, an extensive political and to call for democracy. consolidate Afro-Jamaican grievances accountability and justice across the island. office of George William A placard printed at the newspaper poor people to Gordon (and reproduced in the paper) challenged publicly demand their rights: sedition charges: freedom of association colonial government. By worrisome to the beleaguered was ing particularly of Underhill Meetings already this time, however, the organization Ministers. Having taken on a far more beyond the control of Baptist movement was beginning to popular character, an extensive political and to call for democracy. consolidate Afro-Jamaican grievances accountability and justice across the island. office of George William A placard printed at the newspaper poor people to Gordon (and reproduced in the paper) challenged publicly demand their rights: --- Page 215 --- Popular democracy and the Underhill Convention 195 We Call On You to come forth, forth and protest even if you be naked, come against the unjust against you by Mr. Governor representations made Custodes.. People of St. Eyre and his band of ground down too long Thomas ye East, you have becn speak like honorable already. Shake off your sloth, and Remember and free men at that "he only is free whom your meeting. You are no longer Slaves, the Truth makes free.' act your part at the but Free men. Then, as Free men, meeting [emphasis in original],31 This use of a poster was a kind of form of address mimetic appropriation of the official found exemplified by the Queen's posted on a tree in the Morant Advice. This one was were being held in the Bay area, where popular summer of 1865, to which meetings we now can turn. Notes 1 There are surprisingly few full Jamaica, given its thorough accounts of political protest in Killing Time ' The Morant documentation in the archives, but see post-emancipation Macmillan Bay Rebellion in Jamaica. Heuman's, The Press, 1994). esp. pp. 38-43; (London and Conflict in Abigail Basingstoke: Jamaica: The Politics of Rebellion Bakan, ldeology and Class Queen's University Press, 1990): Lorna (Montreal and Kingston: McGillDisaffection' ": Civil Disturbances in E. Simmonds, "The of of Waterloo, 1982); Swithin Wilmot, Jamaica, 1838-1865' (M. A. thesis, Spirit and Protest in Jamaica, "Females of Abandoned Character"? University 1838-65, in Women pp. 279-95. Engendering History, ed. V. 2 CO 137/299, Shepherd, 3 CO 137/299, Evelyn to Grey, 12June 1848. 4 CO 137/299, Evelyn to Grey, 6July 1848, encl. letter ofT. F. Governor Apprehended Outbreak in the Western Pilgrim. Charles Edward Grey, 14 July Parishes, Proclamation of have been deliberate. 1848. His choice of Bastille 5 The Baptist Herald and Day may ended up among the three Friend of Africa, Vol.1, no. 31,3June 1840. for rioting; women and six men sentenced to Mary Clarke Wilmot has found that women three months in prison in the 1840s. and in election riots in the were also prominent in several tax riots pp. 286-9). 1850s (Wilmot, *Women and 6 Morning Journal, Vol. I, no. 215, 7Jan. Protest', Resistance, p. 65. A similar violent 1842; Scott, Domination and the Arts of banned Christmas parading occurred struggle in between police and 'the mob' over drum known as a 'Joe Wenda" was Montego Bay in 1841, when an African Vol. 1, no. 211, 1 Jan. 1842). A confiscated by a magistrate (Morning Journal, to the legislature in 1852, reveals report by the Central Board of Health, presented the private official views of sphere was as much a threat to popular urban life, in which markets. See Report by the Central Board 'public order' as the streets and F. M. Wilson Printer, 1852). of Health of. Jamaica (Spanish Town: 7 CO 137/344. various enclosures in 8 CO 137/345, Darling to CO, 25 Mar. 1859. Darling to CO, 9 Aug. 1859, Governor's S Secretary, 2 Aug. 1859; CO 137/346, enclosing Kitchen and Castle to the Darling to CO, 10 Nov. 1859. life, in which markets. See Report by the Central Board 'public order' as the streets and F. M. Wilson Printer, 1852). of Health of. Jamaica (Spanish Town: 7 CO 137/344. various enclosures in 8 CO 137/345, Darling to CO, 25 Mar. 1859. Darling to CO, 9 Aug. 1859, Governor's S Secretary, 2 Aug. 1859; CO 137/346, enclosing Kitchen and Castle to the Darling to CO, 10 Nov. 1859. --- Page 216 --- 196 Democracy After Slavery Friend of Africa, Vol. 2, no. 36, 8 Sept. 1841. p. 271. 9 Baptist Herald and Petition from Saint David's, 15 Jan. 10 CO 137/343, Darling to CO, 24 Feb. 1859. had 1859, with 10 Feb. 1859 Governor's notes. Darling admitted that the Assembly introduced the lcgislation to 'operate as a great discouragement ofthe exercise of the Franchise. by thc more numcrous and humble Freeholders', but he still defended it. 12 Mar. 1859, enclosing Resolutions of Meeting in 11 CO 137/344. Darling to CO, Kingston, 23 Feb. 1859. and Petition of Freeholders and Taxpayers. 12 CO 137/345. Governor's Despatches, Darling to CO, 9 June 1859, enclosing two petitions from Rev. Charles M. Fletcher (of Rodney Hall Post Office, St. Thomas Vale), to the Queen and to the Governor, both dated 18 Mar. 1859. Rodney Hall ye bank, one of whose founders was the was the site of an attempted popular savings for Stipendiary Magistrate T. Witter Jackson, a well-known spokesman popular rights (cf. Morning Journal, 4 Mar. 1842; 2 and Heuman, The Killing Time. 68). 13 CO 137/345, Darling to CO. 9 June 1859, enclosing S. Rennales to Darling, 7 April 1859 and Davis to Rennales, 2 May 1859. Although the government claimed the signatures were not genuine, they are in a wide variety of hands and very few are marked with an 'x'; approximately 160 of the names are women's. 14 PRO 30/48/44, Cardwell Papers, Evidence ofLouis Q. Bowerbank; Baptist report quoted in Douglas Hall, Free Jamaica, 1838-1865: An Economic History (New Haven: Yale University Press. 1959), 213; WMMS, Box 199, Edmondson to Directors, Apr. 20, 1865. 15 Ona visit to the West Indies in 1859, Underhill also visited Haiti to report on the small Baptist mission there, begun in 1845 and consisting ofjust one congregation in Jacmel (E. B. Underhill, 'Report on the Mission in Haiti'. The Missionary Herald, 801. enclosed in The Baptist Magazine. 1860. no. 52; cf. Brian Stanley. 1792-1992 [Edinburgh: T & T The History of the Baptist Missionary Society, Clark, 1992]. p. 93). MS 16 The letter exists in the form of small handbills that were posted in public (NLJ. 106. Underhill Letter. copy of CO 137/3.98, Underhill to Cardwell, 5 Jan. 1865). 17 CO 137/391,Eyre to Cardwell. no. 137,May 1865. 18 CO 137/391, Eyre to Cardwell, no. 128,6 May 1865. 19 CO 137/391, Henry Taylor note, 8 June 1865, attached to Eyre to Cardwell, no. 128, 6May 1865. 20 JRC, Part 2, Evidence of Alexander Heslop. 330-31. 21 CO 137/391, Eyre to Cardwell, no. 132, 17 May 1865. 22 The original series of resolutions appears in CO 137/391, Governor's Despatches. 137/391, Eyre to Cardwell, no. 128,6 May 1865. 19 CO 137/391, Henry Taylor note, 8 June 1865, attached to Eyre to Cardwell, no. 128, 6May 1865. 20 JRC, Part 2, Evidence of Alexander Heslop. 330-31. 21 CO 137/391, Eyre to Cardwell, no. 132, 17 May 1865. 22 The original series of resolutions appears in CO 137/391, Governor's Despatches. Eyre to Cardwell, nos. 132, 136, 137, 142, 148, 172 and 174. 23 Jamaica Watchan and People's Free Press. 5 June 1865. 24 Women were also involved in these meetings. At the Underhill Meeting held at Lucea Court House in Hanover, for example. it was reported that over one thousand persons were present, with 'a good sprinkling of crinolined and handkerchiefturbaned females' in the crowd (CO 137/391, Eyre to Cardwell, 19 June 1865, encl. extract Falmoutl Post [n.d 25 CO 136/392, Eyre to Cardwell, 17 July 1865, encl. Jamaica Guardian, 15 July 1865. 26 Grand Jurors of the St. Ann's Circuit Court commented on the memorial: We have ascertained that it emanated from but a small portion of our labouring people residing in the district of Ocho Rios. and was concocted by some idle persons living about the villages that it was prepared without the knowledge or consent of their Ministers, to whose churches they profess to be attached, nor did the --- Page 217 --- Popular democracy and the Underhill Convention 197 memorial bear the signatures of such Ministers, [njor [was it] vouched for by any persons of respectability" (CO 137/392. Eyre to Cardwell. no. 183, 21 July 1865, encl. extract from newspaper). 27 CO 137/392, Eyre to Cardwell, no. 189, 24 July 1865. 28 CO 137/392, Eyre to Cardwell. no. 189, 24 July 1865, encl. Salmon to Eyre [n.d.]. 29 CO 137/392, Eyre to Cardwell. no. 198, 7 Aug. 1865. 30 CO 137/392, Eyre to Cardwell, 22 Aug. 1865, encl. letter from Baptist Ministers. 31 Jamaica Watchman and People 's Free Press, 21 Aug. 1865. --- Page 218 --- Little agitators, small speechifiers, and embryo cut-throats' Black publics and the Morant Bay Rebellion In the months prior to the Morant Bay Rebellion . James McLaren. a 22-year-old Native Baptist with close ties to Paul Bogle. spoke at several unofficial public meetings.' One of his specches was paraphrased in the evidence given to the Jamaica Royal Commission by William Anderson,a young black estate labourer: "Why cause me to hold this meeting: myself was born free. but my mother and father was slave: but now I am still a slave by working from days to days. I cannot get money to feed my family, and I am working at Coley estate for 35 chains for 1s., and after five days working I get 2s. 6d. for my family. Is that able to sustain a house full of family?" and the people said, "No. Then. he said. Well. the best we can do is to come together. and send in a petition to the Government: and if they will give up the outside land to w'e, we shall work with cane, and cotton. and coffee like the white. But the white people say we are lazy and won't work. family, and I am working at Coley estate for 35 chains for 1s., and after five days working I get 2s. 6d. for my family. Is that able to sustain a house full of family?" and the people said, "No. Then. he said. Well. the best we can do is to come together. and send in a petition to the Government: and if they will give up the outside land to w'e, we shall work with cane, and cotton. and coffee like the white. But the white people say we are lazy and won't work. When he said that the people said. We have no land to work. He said. "if the outside land was given up to them to work, they should pay the taxes to the Queen they did not want anything from the white people. they would try to make their own living themselves: but they would not give them the land to work. neither give them any money; how then were they to live?" And when he said that he said to the people without they come together. and go down to Morant Bay in lump. to let the white people sce there was plenty black in the island, it was no use at all.and cry out that they don't mean to pay any more ground rent again: and after twenty seven years in freedom the outside --- Page 219 --- small.speechifers, and embryo cut-throats' - 199 "Little agitators, land was given to them a long time, and the white pcople it to themselves. That was what I heard him say kept [emphasis in original).? central in the rebellion, and was McLaren became a protagonist document, executed under martial law. What can this 135-year-old freedom, in the British Public Record Office, tell us about preserved in Jamaica? democracy and citizenship of the James McLaren's speech can serve as a microcosm probto understand slave emancipation as an ongoing lems we face in trying communication. As of contentious negotiation and citizen-state process this document first raises the a paraphrased speech, not an original, of slaves and their descendants in question of where we find the voices *direct' sources of writing from the historical record. Seldom are there of what we know is based on a largely illiterate population; much stories or oral histories records kept by others, second or third-hand McLaren's words have narratives. The very fact that and transcribed insistence of interested publics back in been preserved reflects the be publicly investigated Britain that the rebellion and its suppression of the evidence be through an official enquiry, and that an open report of such documents before Parliament. Itis precisely the absence cases. placed difference between the two in Haiti that points to a significant democratic accountHaitian far less constrained by The government, left fewer points of entry for democratic ability and transparency, for the historian. In Jamaica, the numerclaimants and fewer records and the British government ties between freed people ous two-way the other. made both sides adept at addressing situated in relation to a whole series This document must also be speeches, resolutions that produced printed of other public meetings similar themes and actions. A number of and petitions, drawing on speech, some of which internal features stand out in this paraphrased public speaking, if that it presents a standard genre of popular suggest of the words and structure of the original (given not an exact replica McLaren). It begins with a personal Anderson's goal to incriminate condition to that of his story in which McLaren compares his present and eliciting an slavery. He describes his work wages, parents during in the emotional context of audience response by putting the argument confirmation of as a whole and evoking a participatory the community bond, McLaren then his words. Having established an experiential the government for the the to join together and petition calls on people land that had always been used by 'outside' land (marginal plantation As soon as this strategy is proslaves for their provision grounds). inate condition to that of his story in which McLaren compares his present and eliciting an slavery. He describes his work wages, parents during in the emotional context of audience response by putting the argument confirmation of as a whole and evoking a participatory the community bond, McLaren then his words. Having established an experiential the government for the the to join together and petition calls on people land that had always been used by 'outside' land (marginal plantation As soon as this strategy is proslaves for their provision grounds). since white people however, he points out its ineffectiveness, posed, --- Page 220 --- 200 Democracy. After Slavery will neither pay them the wages they demand nor they want. Once the dilemma is starkly give them the land framed, he is able to direct collective posed and the issue effectively targeted demonstration in anger into a new plan of action: a their numbers Morant Bay to let the white and hear them 'cry out'. His pcople 'see' for twenty-seven moral justification is that been theirs years they had been denied land that should have following emancipation. A crucial aspect of this speech is its effort to to frame a shared account of the tell a particular story, As social movement theorists disappointing experience of freedom. strategic efforts by of suggest, framing is 'the conscious and ofthe world and groups people to fashion shared understandings action' ofthemselves that legitimate and motivate collective however, (MacAdam, McCarthy and Zald 1996: 6). I want to suggest that McLaren is also Beyond framing, polyvocality of speech. Not only is he drawing on the stories with which his audience is selecting from a multiplicity of families' already familiar (e.g. struggles out of slavery, about the about their about oppression by white people). but he is also injustice of employers, known 'official' versions of these contesting the well boon of freedom conferred same events (e.g. about the by the British great of sugar plantations for all classes of people, about the importance through working steadily and the community, about progress ratives lurk between the saving for the future). These official nareach line lines, but SO too do the stories of the drips with a weighty infusion of accumulated people: grudges, grievances, tall tales, hopes and memories. indignitics. The exchange hinges on the problem of how people hear this story, and beyond that, how to make white act to redress the grievances. Itis to make the government after emancipation there significant that twenty-seven was still a years slaves and their children that strong feeling among former unfairly, and should have they had been (and still were) treated forced and unremunerated been given land in return for their years of (to one's enemies slave labour. The struggle to as well as one's allies) communicate of past, present and future were central to compelling understandings and 1865 in Jamaica. The the events of 1843 in Haiti 'in lump' to 'cry out' becomes suggestion of going down to Morant Bay it implies not necessarily crucial in the context of the rebellion; demonstration of some kind. a violent action, but a peaceful march or ence in 1863: George W. Gordon made a similar referSt. Thomas in the "Coming East events cast their shadows before us". in the people are desirous In a body to demand redress, but I have of coming down here do, because they would not be heard told them that that would not in a body to demand at the bar'.3 3 The idea of redress suggests a Jamaican version coming of the ucial in the context of the rebellion; demonstration of some kind. a violent action, but a peaceful march or ence in 1863: George W. Gordon made a similar referSt. Thomas in the "Coming East events cast their shadows before us". in the people are desirous In a body to demand redress, but I have of coming down here do, because they would not be heard told them that that would not in a body to demand at the bar'.3 3 The idea of redress suggests a Jamaican version coming of the --- Page 221 --- "Little agitators, small speechifiers, and embryo cut-throats' 201 demonstration: in the colonies, though, the line between English because of armed responses demonstration and riot was thin, in part of McLaren and untrained police and volunteer militias. The words by did foretell events to come in St. Thomas in the Gordon certainly did come down from the hills. Understanding East, when the pcople differed from similar peasant mobilizwhy this peasant mobilization differed ations in Haiti, and how state reactions to such mobilizations the in the two cases, will bring us a long way toward understanding in the constructions of citizenship. freedom and democracy varying post-emancipation Caribbean. of the events of October 1865 is The best single description Time': The Morant Bay Rebellion in Heuman's account in The Killing examination of the evidence Jamaica (1994), based on a careful As he points out, some collected by the Jamaica Royal Commission. minimized the aims of the rebelprevious studies of the period have wrong because of lion, depicting it as a march or riot that went badly 1959; over-reaction (Curtin 1955; Hall Campbell the government's the island, and to 1976). Others have linked it to grievances throughout they conbroader culture of resistance among some of the peasantry; a rebellion (Green 1976; Robotham sider it a premeditated and planned falls within the 1981; Bakan 1990; Holt 1992). Heuman's argument charactershowing that the outbreak was a rebellion, latter category. and by a degree of organization'. My ized by advanced planning Significantly, Heuman also findings also support this conclusion. a sugar that St. Thomas in the East was predominantly points out in Jamaica', 9 and was fone of parish with 'some of the richest properties 1994: divided parishes in the colony' (Heuman the most politically undermined planter control. 63). Those political divisions features of the rebellion, In addition to considering the internal networks of activists both I will also set it in the context of specific better understand its relation within and beyond Jamaica, in order to political identities wider Afro-Caribbean political movements, to This chapter focuses mainly on the and genres of claim-making. the networks of activists involved, events leading up to the rebellion, just prior to the rebellion that were expressed the popular grievances to these claimants. I will not spend a and the government's reaction of the rebellion itself, as these have great decal of time on the details Heuman. However, I will devote summarized by been thoroughly contention that preceded the extra attention to the wave of political W. Gordon and his supporters in rebellion, and to the role of George In contrast to all previous organizing the Underhill Movement. that follows, I will also ofthe rebellion, in the conclusion in accounts the Haitian exiles who were politically active focus attention on grievances to these claimants. I will not spend a and the government's reaction of the rebellion itself, as these have great decal of time on the details Heuman. However, I will devote summarized by been thoroughly contention that preceded the extra attention to the wave of political W. Gordon and his supporters in rebellion, and to the role of George In contrast to all previous organizing the Underhill Movement. that follows, I will also ofthe rebellion, in the conclusion in accounts the Haitian exiles who were politically active focus attention on --- Page 222 --- 202 Democracy After Slavery consider their influence on the network Jamaica at the time, and will Kingston and Morant Bay. activists in and around in the of Afro-Jamaican 1865, James Geoghagan shouted out On the 7th of October, in a case of trespass Morant Bay Court House that the defendant ordered out of the court. the costs of 12s 6d. He was should not pay the judge ordered his arrest. A policeand when he did not go quietly, "You come here to cheek me that he said to Geoghagan: his man reported was going out of Court, always in this Court", and as Geoghagan and said, "Come called Isabella Geoghagan, came up directly if sister. down in the market, and let us see any out of the Court, let us go don't lick them to hell". Her chald-d policemen come here if we control over the market demonstrates the sense of female lenge clearly unlike the courts. popular justice could in which, as a public space backed by force, for an armed mob indeed prevail; it was a threat Involved in the rescue was a Native Baptist rescued James from police. followers from a small village known leader named Paul Bogle and his as Stony Gut. in the Court House that day, the police were Following the events arrival at Stony Gut. the those involved; but on their ordered to arrest and forced to swear oaths to 'cleave to black policemen were captured seems to have pushed Bogle's the black". This outright resistance although there is much evitoward immediate armed action, for group been people to loyalty and preparing dence that they had swearing 11th of October. pcople from Stony violence prior to this date. On the into Morant Bay, where the armed march Gut began an organized. of the Custos Baron von was meeting under the leadership vestry summarizes. Ketelhodt. As Heuman hundred black people [both men and On that day, several of Morant Bay, the capital of women] marched into the town of St Thomas in the sugar-growing parish the predominately station of its weapons and then East. They pillaged the police militia which had been called up to confronted the volunteer which the meeting of the vestry. the political body protect Fighting erupted between the militia administered the parish. the end of the day, the crowd had and the crowd and, by thirty-one others. Seven killed cighteen people and wounded which followed, members of the crowd died. In the days killed two bands of people in different parts of the parish (Heuman and threatened the lives of many others planters 1994: xiii). imposed martial law and In response to the rebellion, the government well as the irregular force of brought in British and Jamaican forces, as body protect Fighting erupted between the militia administered the parish. the end of the day, the crowd had and the crowd and, by thirty-one others. Seven killed cighteen people and wounded which followed, members of the crowd died. In the days killed two bands of people in different parts of the parish (Heuman and threatened the lives of many others planters 1994: xiii). imposed martial law and In response to the rebellion, the government well as the irregular force of brought in British and Jamaican forces, as --- Page 223 --- smallspeechifers, and embryo cut-throats' 203 "Little agitators. lived high in the nearby Blue Mountains). In the the Maroons (who killed and hundreds of others seriprocess. 'nearly 500 people were led to demands in ously wounded. The nature of the suppression and a Royal Commission subsequently England for an official enquiry, for nearly three months' took evidence in Jamaica on the disturbances rebuked for the (Heuman 1994: xiii). Governor Eyre was eventually however, efforts to try and dismissed from his post; severe repression, were unsuccessful (Semmel 1963; him on criminal charges in England Hall 1995). and civil grievances in 1865 Economic, political, in regard to the Morant Bay Rebellion, As Robotham (1981) argues a political movement; alone do not explain economic grievances At the heart of peasant grievances in nevertheless. they are important. issues related to wages, land this period were a series of economic As Holt points out, the tenure, access to markets and labour rights. issues such of the Jamaican freedmen included 'proletarian grievances conditions on the estates along as higher wages and better working taxes and more land. The mixed with peasant issues such as lower the hybrid character of the character of their grievances reflected cf. Bakan 1990). The 1865 (Holt 1992: 300; Jamaican peasantry' reflected a combination of these resolutions and petitions usually with urban issues relevant to proletarian and peasant grievances, along traders. As seen in the previous or small 'mechanics'. 9 seamstresses and town life characterized the Jamaican chapter, a hybridity of rural in occasional wage labour and 'peasantry,"' many of whom engaged churches and public meetings in regularly attended markets, courts, the towns. questions of land, rent and fair As with earlier popular meetings, Meetings, and are reflected in wages were at the centre ofthe Underhill out of the mectings. A good the petitions and speeches that came indentured labourers in Vere, who example is the petition from African organized their own mecting, stating: distress and Poverty on account of not That we are in great work to do SO as to enable us to maintain getting sufficient children were at school, we are our familys, some of our afford to purcompelled to take them away, as we cannot members in clothes to send them there, some of us our chase attend the worship of God for want the church, and cannot and we are in a state of of clothing for our self and family, ers in Vere, who example is the petition from African organized their own mecting, stating: distress and Poverty on account of not That we are in great work to do SO as to enable us to maintain getting sufficient children were at school, we are our familys, some of our afford to purcompelled to take them away, as we cannot members in clothes to send them there, some of us our chase attend the worship of God for want the church, and cannot and we are in a state of of clothing for our self and family, --- Page 224 --- 204 Democracy After Slavery us little work but what we earn starvation.. The estates give food to suffice us for the weekly cannot purchase sufficient for a sixpence is week, as what work they give us to perform labour for nothing, for and sometimes wc worth two shillings there will sure to comes, which is our pay day, when Friday found with the work, and then our be some fault or the other pay is stopped McClymont. an written by Alexander This petition was reportedly does small writing jobs for any remuengine driver out of berth who that the statements of cover letter charged neration he can get'. Eyre's and *that some of the signatures have the labourers were incorrect, or consent of the persons been attached without the knowledge persons' using the petition named'. Once again his claim of "designing the grievances. was used to dismiss 'to serve their own purposes' tried to block political commuRather than respond to the claims, Eyre nication on a procedural technicality. economic agency was the attempt An essential aspect of peasant cooperative efforts (as we economic conditions through to improve the of Jamaican wage labourhave noted in Haiti). From perspective strikes and collective barthis included organized work stoppage. other ers, landholders or peasants. it also included gaining. For small digs. etc.); self-help or friendly forms: cooperative labour (morning collective landowning or marsocieties (to help in sickness or death); associations. Many of the associations; local credit or savings demands keting Underhill Mectings made direct speeches recorded from form of land distribution. representing either for fair wages or some of wage labour and peasant subistencelcommediy the dual strategy schemes of land distribution production. Some politicians supported cooperatives to help and the formation of various kinds of marketing Underhill himself argued benefit from their own labour. Dr. of small peasants should encourage the growth export that the government Associations for Shipping their produce in crops 'by the formation of channels for direct transmisconsiderable quantities". and 'by opening of Agents, by whose exersion of produce without the intervention suffer' .6 In fact. in a letter tions and frauds the people now frequently association that was already in of 1864, he commended one such could be done in coffee than is operation at Black River. I think more nutmegs, and other , he wrote. Then there is ginger, done at present'. like. Then if the pcople could put their spices, arrowroot, and the lot, as the Black River pcople produce together and ship it in one good into the market under doing under Barrett, it would come are favourable conditions'.7 In fact. in a letter tions and frauds the people now frequently association that was already in of 1864, he commended one such could be done in coffee than is operation at Black River. I think more nutmegs, and other , he wrote. Then there is ginger, done at present'. like. Then if the pcople could put their spices, arrowroot, and the lot, as the Black River pcople produce together and ship it in one good into the market under doing under Barrett, it would come are favourable conditions'.7 --- Page 225 --- small and embryo cut-throats' 205 "Little agitators, speechifiers, there were several efforts under way to Just prior to the Rebellion. small settlers in Jamaica through improve economic conditions for the as alluded to by the practices of "association' or 'combination'. on the Underhill. Newspapers such as The Sentinel ran editorials Dr. In March 1865, an editorial argued desirability of labour associations. hinted at the means for associations that Dr. Underhill's suggestions the of this country, develop which might be taken to advance people forward the social ameour numerous but latent resources, and help in April, the paper lioration of the masses of this country".S Again, that there was an even argued with reference to shipping associations 'more important field': be said that the principle of association is unsuited It cannot We have, all over the island, vast tracts of to Jamaica.. fertility. Surely, there is nothing uncultivated land, of great the of these from being cultivated on principle to prevent should Sugar Estates be dismantled and association! Why wildness of Nature, when abandoned, to revert to the original and of to keep them in cultivation, there are plenty people would gladly engage to do SO were who, we are persuaded, inducements held out to them? proper in St. David, it was suggested that an Island At a meeting held Joint Stock Company be formed. The gathAgricultural Loan Bank or of a committee known as the ering also called for the establishment with the yeoman Committee "to correspond Central Communicating of agriculture and other branches of throughout the island on subjects cf. Hall 1959). native industry" (Heuman 1994: 53; to support coopFew in the government, however, were prepared whites found any 'combieratives. let alone hand over property; many Critical reports were nations' among blacks extremely threatening. rebellion concerning a jointsubmitted to the Governor just after the men in St. Elizabeth. The stock association being attempted by three holding meetings of *the John Salmon, reported that they were Custos, settlers black and colored', where the people inhabitants and small of produce are imposed upon and were 'informed that the growers been around since emancipation, cheated'." 10 Building on ideas that had association' and agricultural their plan was to form a *commercial sell Jamaican small (underwritten by £5 shares). It would not only but would also bring agricultural produce direct to English buyers, to sell cheaply to affordable manufactured goods back from England the plan gives us the describing association members. Correspondence best idea ofits aims: settlers black and colored', where the people inhabitants and small of produce are imposed upon and were 'informed that the growers been around since emancipation, cheated'." 10 Building on ideas that had association' and agricultural their plan was to form a *commercial sell Jamaican small (underwritten by £5 shares). It would not only but would also bring agricultural produce direct to English buyers, to sell cheaply to affordable manufactured goods back from England the plan gives us the describing association members. Correspondence best idea ofits aims: --- Page 226 --- 206 Democracy After Slavery association... .was to be managed by Our joint-stock for the the basis of the Englishmen brought here purpose: small settlers. Neither whole affair is cotton planting by the from the any compensation Brydson nor myself expected shares.. Our main object scheme save the dividend on our and we would have had is to get the people to plant cotton, association at our disposal. the means of the cotton supply industrial schools, savings model farms, Then to establish but our scheme was looked on banks throughout the island; to be good. 11 as too gigantic injure that the association would 'materially Salmon complained to 'not to dispose of any the Members were pledge general society' 9 as to any white person' oil nuts, oils, coffee, ginger or other produce furthermore. the small settlers This, he thought, would foster distrust; who have no capital and no might be cheated by these men of straw even ifit were character entitling them to conduct such an undertaking as not to be misand honest. It is SO barefaced an attempt the legitimate When Governor Eyre submitted taken for a piece of rascality". of whether such an association question to Attorney General Heslop legal. but observed Heslop determined that it was perfectly Owen was legal, schemes of Fourrier in France, and Robert that like the similar against it would be its own failure. in England. the best argument was its connection to a Indeed, part of the importance of this plan prevalent in Haiti. as worker's associational movement (also broader efforts to promote economic we have seen), and its ties to international investment by for freedmen and socially responsible opportunities British anti-slavery publics.' intensified in the summer of 1865. as Land tenure disputes also of some sort would occur began to circulate that a disturbance reports John Salmon found many people in the western parishes in August. disturbances by the Negroes: 'distressed by rumours of intended of taxes and the appropriation of among them the resisting the payment day conversation". . 13 In lands to their own use is said to be their every that they have been Black River, he reported, 'the People allege sum of money to be laid informed that the Queen has sent out a large them and that the in the of lands to be divided among out purchase It seems that these rumours were Custos has kept it for himself".4 project. Squatting' was probably connected to the Plummer-Brydson and Crown-owned land common on the numerous abandoned estates clearly took a radical throughout Jamaica: some landless peasants outside of the law. When owners approach to occupying their own land it often resulted in protracted civil tried to clear squatters off their land. money to be laid informed that the Queen has sent out a large them and that the in the of lands to be divided among out purchase It seems that these rumours were Custos has kept it for himself".4 project. Squatting' was probably connected to the Plummer-Brydson and Crown-owned land common on the numerous abandoned estates clearly took a radical throughout Jamaica: some landless peasants outside of the law. When owners approach to occupying their own land it often resulted in protracted civil tried to clear squatters off their land. --- Page 227 --- small and embryo cut- throats' 207 Litle agitators. speechifiers, in violent conflict. Governor Eyre reported court cases and sometimes Secretary in 1865: on one such case to the Colonial called 'Hartland" where a large body of black at a place it is said to 600 or 700 have for years past pcople amounting of a property of 3000 acres and set taken violent possession of recovery by the lawful owners at defiance all attempts with firearms, threatening to kill any one arming themselves barricading up the road and shootwho goes near the place, evidence against them. ing at a man who had given some Town, and it is This is within three miles of Spanish asserted that there are living on this property confidently who have never been into the town or to any black pcople [T]here are a large number European settlement for years.. and much trouble of similar cases throughout the country in settling them. and possible bloodshed may be entailed that they are not Nothing will persuade the black people retire from lands that unjustly treated in being called upon to even tho' have occupied and cultivated for some years they whatever. It is a singular fact that they have no title or claim in the country are what may all the most troublesome people lands and be termed the small settlers who own or occupy and do not do SO not to labor for hire who are necessitated suit their own convenience or the except occasionally to in original]. 15 wants or views of the moment [emphasis filed after the rebellion, it indicates a situation Although this report was other of the island. It also that had gone on for some time and in parts and echoes the views of indicates the typical government response, The court cases that led to Colonial Office officials like Henry Taylor. 1865 also arose from disputes the conflict at Morant Bay in October of Stony Gut. near the Native Baptist village over trespass charges of political corrupBeyond these economic grievances, also central to the popular and social oppression were tion, injustice Movement. Issues of land ownership claims made during the Underhill local Local related to conflicts over decision-making. were closely basis for black participation electoral politics were the most important into several vestries' tied in formal politics. Each parish was divided bodies, with local budgetary to the established churches. These elected powers, the estimates of all parochial expendiconsider and draw up sub-committees from those tures, ways, and means; whilst of the Boards of Health, vestries.perform the duties , also central to the popular and social oppression were tion, injustice Movement. Issues of land ownership claims made during the Underhill local Local related to conflicts over decision-making. were closely basis for black participation electoral politics were the most important into several vestries' tied in formal politics. Each parish was divided bodies, with local budgetary to the established churches. These elected powers, the estimates of all parochial expendiconsider and draw up sub-committees from those tures, ways, and means; whilst of the Boards of Health, vestries.perform the duties --- Page 228 --- 208 Democracy. After Slavery of the public roads, not being estimate the costs of repairs of their repairs, and main roads, and assist in the supervision of their numerous form estimates of thè cost of repairs they buildings (Price 1866: 1). parochial local concerns. and black electors increasingly These were all key vestries. and in some cases even controlled gained a voice on these of St. Catherine, was unusually sympathen. George Price, the Custos he wrote that toward the aim of full black political participation; thetic of coloured men, and another one vestry in his parish was 'composed black men, mountain settlers'. He in the mountains almost entirely of 'the demeanour of the black defended their participation and praised and orderly conduct. respect members of those boards, their courtesy and manner of addressing the towards the chairman and each other, of their arguments' (Price boards.. even the good sense and justice 1866: 2-3). control versus peasant agency was evident The conflict of planter back at the Tragedy of Morant in the failure of local politics. Looking of that had Dr. Underhill referred to a litany injustices Bay' in 1895, contributed to the movement: inefficiency of the courts of law; the the acknowledged for the lower orders; the laxity. untrustworfailure ofjustice of public boards: the gross and thiness, and improprieties practiced at clections by unblushing bribery and corruption of the licentiousness and gross perversions the upper classes; abuses, want of integrity and the truth.. ; the scandalous institutions: the shortcomings in the management of public committed the defalcations, and the frauds laxity, the perjury, the bickerings and under the shelter of the laws; disgraceful 1895: of the members of the Assembly (Underhill jobbery 9-10). editor of the County Union. also made an explicit conSydney Levien, riot' in Morant Bay and wider issues of social nection between the injustice and misgovernment: the riot of - happening where it has -in What does speak represented the people a district where, because a magistrate and without food, as dying in the lock-up without attendance dismissed [from] the magistracy? - A Government he was to the whirlwind; and a that SOWS the wind must expect reap thousands on Government that spends thousands upon educate the prisons and penitentiaries. yet cares not to 16 peoplc, must expect a semi-barbarous population. injustice and misgovernment: the riot of - happening where it has -in What does speak represented the people a district where, because a magistrate and without food, as dying in the lock-up without attendance dismissed [from] the magistracy? - A Government he was to the whirlwind; and a that SOWS the wind must expect reap thousands on Government that spends thousands upon educate the prisons and penitentiaries. yet cares not to 16 peoplc, must expect a semi-barbarous population. --- Page 229 --- small speechifiers, and embryo cut-throats' 209 Little agitators, also known for his outspoken criticism of the system Levien was slave labour, and which had of indenture that had replaced plantation the peasantry. He had been become a subject of political protest among horrific condition and treattried for libel after vividly criticizing the ment of Indian indentured labourers: as those who live in Montego Bay cannot One must see wretched, hungry, houseless and close their eyes to these in the street a chance bone, or outcast spectres picking up fall in with, to realise the sufferany putrid offal they may from want of sustenancc. ings they hourly undergo abortions of human nature to Mothers hugging shrunken can flow their parchment dugs from which no nutriment children for whom God in his mercy pale fever-stricken existence darken our doors and might well cancel a cruel enactment of a there mutely plead against the murderous the slow Statute Book that brought them here to undergo doomed. 17 torture ofthe death to which they are inevitably themselves had little opportunity to protest their treatThe 'Coolies' Clarke likewise wrote that ment, though some tried.18 Rev. Henry complained to me against an 'the mere fact of [a Coolie's] having on any other bar on his being employed overseer is a complete me that it is impossible to get estate.. A long experience has taught either native or foreign, against an justice in this country for the poor, overseer'." 19 affairs were in a sorry state by many accounts, Jamaican public and indentured workers who sufand it was largely the black peasants Movement, there were Prior to the Underhill fered the consequences. condition of roads and the tencomplaints concerning the poor where many to the big estates, and not to the areas dency to build roads only Magistrate T. Witter Jackson small peasants farmed. The Stipendiary moved out of St. Thomas in (a popular judge who was controversially the rebellion), reported in 1859 the East by Governor Eyre just prior to to the coffee estates in the roads leading up that in St. David's parish, ofcoffee is cultivated by the lately the hills where 'a fair proportion were nearly impassenfranchised people upon their new settlements'. also 7 referred to the poor of 1859 had able. 20 The Fletcher petitions local Vestries, it was an issue roads; as road building was controlled by and lack ofjustice for the poor closely related to charges of corruption white plantation owners and at the local level. In the battle between was an issue that was farmers, control over road building small peasant and civil: who would control the public at once economic, political social of Jamaica? thoroughfares that shaped the space were nearly impassenfranchised people upon their new settlements'. also 7 referred to the poor of 1859 had able. 20 The Fletcher petitions local Vestries, it was an issue roads; as road building was controlled by and lack ofjustice for the poor closely related to charges of corruption white plantation owners and at the local level. In the battle between was an issue that was farmers, control over road building small peasant and civil: who would control the public at once economic, political social of Jamaica? thoroughfares that shaped the space --- Page 230 --- 210 Democracy After Slavery blamed the unrest of 1865 on what he Among other causes. Price the role of Governor Eyre and the Swindle', and called the Tramway other studies of the Morant Bay Rebellion Colonial Office in it. Few scandal in discrediting Eyre and the importance of this of have considered in the eyes allies, Baron von Ketelhodt, especially one of his major freeholders; in fact it was crucial to the emergence black taxpayers and Movement. This complex public scandal of the Underhill Mecting than a At its core was an irregular occupied the press for more year. hands to build a Tramway transfer of a major public road into private at public expense: from Kingston The road in question is the only road leading coffee districts Town, westward to the principal and Spanish of the last importance to the negroes, of the island, and was their to the market, and both for the conveyance of homes. produce and to the towns in of their imported goods to their surrender, therethe interior. The illegal and unconditional ofits traffic, to any fore, of such a road, and of the monopoly charged with its care. one, and especially to the public officer anger and benefit, could only cause great for his own private (Price 1866: 26). excitement amongst the pcople were laid down, but never In 1863, about eight miles of the Tramway with iron rails sticking up from completed; they fell into disrepair, killed. carts broken. and muddy ditches, and soon horses were being been having but just previously the road became all but impassable. 1866: 49). Meanwhile. a high toll about the best in the island' (Price who braved the journey. Price was still being collected from anyone like Baron von Ketelhodt, argued that the men attacked at Morant Bay, also at the centre of wider created local conflicts, but were had not only the Governor, including the governmental irregularities involving scandal and another scandal at the public hospital. and the Tramway conservative newspapers criticized Eyre Even fairly affairs created by the Tramway and unsatisfactory state of public Public Hospital scandals: that the credit is damaged by the tramway All feel public ofthe public money in swindle, and fear to trust one farthing the which shall be overlooked by any public enterprise, is because its character Government. The House dispirited than constituhas been aspersed. and a system more military the transthe Colonial Office, to require tional adopted by through the Governor himself, mission of all complaints Public officers are them from clearing it up. prevents by the Tramway and unsatisfactory state of public Public Hospital scandals: that the credit is damaged by the tramway All feel public ofthe public money in swindle, and fear to trust one farthing the which shall be overlooked by any public enterprise, is because its character Government. The House dispirited than constituhas been aspersed. and a system more military the transthe Colonial Office, to require tional adopted by through the Governor himself, mission of all complaints Public officers are them from clearing it up. prevents --- Page 231 --- small speechifiers. and embryo cu-throats' 211 "Little agitators, because whilst the Governor exercises despotic dejected their voice cannot reach those who may control over them, call him to account except through himself.21 and the Assembly to be parties to "The refusal of the constituencies of*, Price transactions such as Mr. Eyre and his Government approved caused the black has argued, - or to place more money at their disposal, be (Price electors to be disfranchised, and the Assembly to annihilated' electorate suc1866: 120). In both 1859-60 and 1863-64, the black of the of government. It was the spectre cessfully voted against party the that led Eyre to argue for this increasing black control of legislature 1863 (in his governabolition of the House of Assembly as early as but especially after the rebellion. ment correspondence). local vestries and courts also became key focal The operation of and equal justice points of black grievances over equal participation white. Several newspapers for all alike, poor and rich, black and 1865, the lead editorial in observed how justice had failed. In March The Sentinel complained: of our social and governmental system, is Every department and an undefined falling into a state of disorganization; feel that mischiefis in the presentiment leads one, and all to we find the most air.. Ulf we turn to our courts of law, turned aside; partialities, and instances ofjustice disgusting of packed juries and all the oflaw strained to suit a purpose; and men appeal to the rest. The utmost insecurity prevails, law for justice with fear and trembling. Magistrates who were appointed and Apart from the few Stipendiary Jamaican courts were administered remunerated by Parliament, most Juries, too, were overwhelmby local magistrates. usually planters. and even Eyre admitted ingly biased against the poor black litigant, and uncontrolthat the Clerks of the Peace were wholly irresponsible be The lable'23 Bringing a case to court could also very awarded expensive. in petty fees often far outstripped the original damages court for example, stated that the pcople had cases. Rev. Robert Parnther, in the courts, at times when they 'complained to me of the injustice had not obtained it... they have been there to seck for justice, that they of having and uncertainty have often told me of the troublesomeness worth their while to do SO, done to them and that it was not for justice There was a strong incentive poor because they were sure to fail'.24 formal court system (Heuman pcople to seek justice outside of the districts, the black people 1994). There is evidence that 'in many and instituted a private simply gave up taking any cases into court ained to me of the injustice had not obtained it... they have been there to seck for justice, that they of having and uncertainty have often told me of the troublesomeness worth their while to do SO, done to them and that it was not for justice There was a strong incentive poor because they were sure to fail'.24 formal court system (Heuman pcople to seek justice outside of the districts, the black people 1994). There is evidence that 'in many and instituted a private simply gave up taking any cases into court --- Page 232 --- 212 Democracy After Slavery leaders. who were of their own community court system composed disputes among themselves' religious leaders, to handle usually (Stewart 1992: 132). address all of these Mectings began to publicly As Underhill On the 10th of July. 1865, an edigrievances. planters began to worry. Standard and Jamaica Despatch. torial in the conservative Colonial "furnished pretexts to the worst complained that Underhill's letter had and religious, with which class of agitators and demagogues, political as is infested". These he described the community the stump orator, thc little agitator, [the] village politician. scoundrel, the the small speechifier. . ..the disappointed ofillicit trainbands cut-throat, the ambitious leader embryo Our peasantry... are being taught and secret associations. them, and to look upon the upper to distrust those above of labour, in the light of classes of society. and the employers the blood and sinews merciless vampires who grow fat upon classes, and aim at nothing but re-enslaving of the labouring and oppressing the latter. far off the mark when he went on to refer to 'class The editor was not the peasantry or had warfare. 9 But who was responsible for stirring up they stirred themselves? William Gordon and his supporters George the Underhill Meetings? The meeting at Who exactly attended advertisement and held in the Court Montego Bay, convened by the local representative. several House, included not only the Custos, publishers. but also "a Baptist ministers, merchants and newspaper middle class, labourers a dense mass composed of the shopkeepers. the great pressures of the meeting of such mixed elements as only to be discussed. times, with the interest felt in the great social question at Four Paths in have got together.25 The meeting could by possibility to the Custos, held in the Clarendon was a less official one, according hundred of the and 'attended by four and five persons Baptist Chapel, 1 could not hear of any person of position or Labouring Classes... at Lucea in Hanover was education being present-.ar The mecting turbulent and disorderly reported in the County Union as 'the most debate: witnessed in the Court House'. with a lively public one, ever several times in his introductory Mr. Browne was interrupted were carried on by different address and angry conversations os, held in the Clarendon was a less official one, according hundred of the and 'attended by four and five persons Baptist Chapel, 1 could not hear of any person of position or Labouring Classes... at Lucea in Hanover was education being present-.ar The mecting turbulent and disorderly reported in the County Union as 'the most debate: witnessed in the Court House'. with a lively public one, ever several times in his introductory Mr. Browne was interrupted were carried on by different address and angry conversations --- Page 233 --- small speechifiers. and embryo cut-throats' 213 Little agitators, in several parts of the hall, who seemed to pay little parties to what was said to them from the plator no attention roared like inmates of bedlam! form... The audience above the crowd and seemed to Clenched fists were lifted would dare to assert threaten annihilation of any one who that the picture of poverty was capable of being overdrawn.7 Town Court House in St. Mary, the As for the meeting at Manning's it entirely consisted Custos reported that *with two Or three exceptions were 'well and labourers'. - though they of Common trades-people Custos that the meeting was dressed",25 In St. David, the reported Clarke and others who delight convened at the request ofMr. Samuel their followers. The better in Political Excitement. and attended by and small freeof the Inhabitants disposed and industrious portion included black Baptist pastors like holders were not present'.2 It activists like the shoemaker Rev. Robert Palmer, as well as political Thomas Hardy. of George Many meeting attendees were political supporters associated with Gordon. While the meetings in Cornwall were William of Baptist missionaries, those in a somewhat more elite group around Gordon's clique. In fact, Kingston and Surrey revolved mainly take a closer look at the political to understand their origins, we must since the 1859 meetings network that Gordon had built up at least bridging of the electoral law. A better picture of the ambitious against and black smallholder networks in Jamaica oppositional middle-class by tracking joint attenthe Underhill Movement can be gained during activists at a series of public dance by some of the most important Table 8 shows all of the pcoplc who meetings, from 1862 to 1865. or in petitions as parwere named in newspaper reports, on resolutions for which fairly complete ticipants at more than one of the meetings total). They are then crosslists of participants are available (ten in matrix, rearranged to referenced with cach other in a person by event and Spanish blocks, one centred around Kingston show two major around St. Thomas in the East, including Town, the other centred Corner and nearby St. David. It Morant Bay, Stony Gut, Church between these two blocks was becomes evident that the main link of broker. Gordon, who served as a kind political George William organizer of Underhill Meetings, perGordon was the most influential and Saint Ann, but also chairing the meetings in Kingston sonally those who organized the meetings in Spanish closely associated with Bay. Table 9, a person by person matrix, Town, St. David and Morant in this cluster of activists, brings out Gordon's central prominence ties with him.30 of whom shared other personal or professional some --- Page 234 --- X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X > X X X X X X X X X X X --- Page 235 --- 1 1 2 2 1 1 2 2 1 1 1 2 2 - 1 1 - 2 - 1 - 1 2 3 2 2 2 2 2 1 1 1 1 1 3 2 2 2 - 1 1 1 - 1 1 - 2 3 2 2 - 1 L 1 - 1 1 2 3 2 2 - 1 2 2 2 2 235 --- 1 1 2 2 1 1 2 2 1 1 1 2 2 - 1 1 - 2 - 1 - 1 2 3 2 2 2 2 2 1 1 1 1 1 3 2 2 2 - 1 1 1 - 1 1 - 2 3 2 2 - 1 L 1 - 1 1 2 3 2 2 - 1 2 2 2 2 - 2 3 2 1 2 2 1 1 1 2 2 2 - - L 2 2 2 2 1 1 1 - 1 - 1 - 1 1 - L - 2 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 2 2 2 1 1 1 1 1 - - L --- Page 236 --- 216 Democracy Mter Slavery been to seek maximum publicity in Gordon' s strategy had always in the House activities, whether as a representative all of his political a commissioner of the of Assembly, a church warden, a lay preacher, enmeshed in a number of differeditor. He was peace or a newspaper in the overall networks, and occupied a special position ent public in Jamaica. First, he published The Watchman structure of publicity Press and The Sentinel, at a time when newspaper aud Janaica Free discussion and places for the offices often served as centres of political was a highly conof ideas and information. "Public opinion' exchange politics, and editors of oppositional newstested terrain in Jamaican court, and sometimes had their papers were regularly brought to in the Assembly in favour of a seized. Gordon himself argued presses free press: northside press and you will find public opinion Read the Public opinion is a great lever, and cannot expressed there. formed either. The public easily be changed, and is not easily time before it gives body, and takes a long is a discriminating which is, that the a verdict; but that verdict is now ready, Lieutenant-Govermor [Eyre] is not entitled to the confidence and that his remaining here must be detrimenof the public, of the island (Price 1866: 129). tal to the interests opposition newspapers became Indeed, during Eyre's government. had complained of "the Kingston targets for repression. In 1864, Eyre edited entirely by coloured Newspapers, owned, controlled and to the Colonial Office or Jews',31 in July 1865, he filed a report persons and their editors. The real truth' . he on these opposition newspapers the entire Press of the Colony is in the confided to Cardwell, *is that those for the most part are either Jews hands of a very few persons and been for the last two classes that have generally or coloured persons from one cause or another'. 32 The years in violent antagonism to me both the opposicumulative effect of these despatches was to discredit Office; not surtion and the Jamaican press in the eyes of the Colonial the new limits to the rebellion was prisingly, one significant response Besides Levien, the editors of The set on freedom of the press. Smith and Emanuel Free Press, William Kelly Watcluman andJamaica under martial law. Joseph Goldson, were also arrested rhetoric in the House of Gordon also stood out for his fiery published an Assembly. In 1864, the Morning Journal mischievously from one of his specches, which verged on sedition: excerpt Mr. Speaker, that Iam out of order: but when everyIr regret, of the laws by the day we witness the mal-administration response Besides Levien, the editors of The set on freedom of the press. Smith and Emanuel Free Press, William Kelly Watcluman andJamaica under martial law. Joseph Goldson, were also arrested rhetoric in the House of Gordon also stood out for his fiery published an Assembly. In 1864, the Morning Journal mischievously from one of his specches, which verged on sedition: excerpt Mr. Speaker, that Iam out of order: but when everyIr regret, of the laws by the day we witness the mal-administration --- Page 237 --- Little agitators, small speeclifiers, and embryo cut-throats" 217 licutenant-governor we must speak out. You are endeavourto pen up the expression of ing to suppress public opinion tell that it will soon burst public indignation but I you before it. There must forth like a flood and sweep everything a limit to be a limit to everything a limit to oppression, transgressions, and a limit to illegality! When a governor dictator when he becomes despotic, it is time becomes a him, and to say, we will not allow for the people to dethrone you any longer to rule us',33 for the floor of the House, sccmed in the glare of The speech, meant rebellion. Usually Gordon's disparate the public press to be inciting different Thus, he presocial ties allowed him to separate publics. another in his 'face' in the House of Assembly, sented one public in the newspapers and another still in Kingston Tabernacle, another Church Warden and connected St. Thomas in the East. where he was a As public debate with the Native Baptist group led by Paul Bogle. infamous for his public intensified in the carly 1860s, he became speaking and appeals to the peasantry. described Gordon's unusual A number of contemporary observers The Custos of Kingston testified public presence among the people. that eccentric character. He George William Gordon was a most and by no means was gifted with great powers of speech, mixed up lacked natural talent. His speeches were strangely carried in his and he generally with Scripture quotations, often from. He was ready pocket a Bible, which he quoted to all times to preach, and went from parish parish at in the various conventicles and native Baptist holding forth chapels." he faced several publics at once: the Indeed, in each social arena, the public of of white' Jamaica, oppositional official public public of Britain, and the subal- 'coloured' Jamaica, the oppositional in which Gordon had built of 'black' Jamaica. One way tern public the practice of economic cooperation. his popular support was through Fletcher wrote in his personal Gordon's friend the Rev. Duncan recollections that adventures arose chiefly from a Mr. Gordon's proprietary little farms or frecholds, lofty and laudable desire to provide for his liberated and conveniently as possible as cheaply that he also formed, and to some extent brethren. I know enterprize, by which the executed, a system of mercantile in which Gordon had built of 'black' Jamaica. One way tern public the practice of economic cooperation. his popular support was through Fletcher wrote in his personal Gordon's friend the Rev. Duncan recollections that adventures arose chiefly from a Mr. Gordon's proprietary little farms or frecholds, lofty and laudable desire to provide for his liberated and conveniently as possible as cheaply that he also formed, and to some extent brethren. I know enterprize, by which the executed, a system of mercantile --- Page 238 --- 218 Democracy. After Slavery could obtain, in full, the current enfranchised small settlers their industry (Price 1866: 33). market prices for the produce of but land ventures. This would seem to indicate not only cooperative designed to avoid the loss of also some form of marketing association profit to middle-men. popular attendance at a central role in mobilizing Gordon played between a black Jamaican Underhill Meetings, building a bridge the in Britain, who could influence public and oppositional publics Office. A key feature of his unique posiParliament and the Colonial between himself and Lt. Governor tion was a bitter personal enmity Governor Darling in 1862. he became Eyre. When Eyre took over from the jail at Morant Bay. embroiled in Gordon's attempts to reform complaining of the lack of Gordon wrote to the Governor's Secretary in Jamaica, as well as the hospitals. alms-houses or debtor's prisons Eyre's response was to have conditions of the local prison. as a unsanitary from his positions in several parishes Gordon removed Gordon protested his removal from the Commissioner of the Peace. Commission in these terms: unworthy. un- [It] is as insulting as it is unconstitutional. that Her Majesty's and undeserved. and I truly regret english this Island could indulge in such unbecomRepresentative in insults. and become SO great a ing and unmerited personal feelings with public duty. Partizan as to mix up private should be done requires that equal justice The Commission the Rich, but in Jamaica it appears that to the Poor as well as cruelty and corruption! a premium is held out to inhumanity, [emphasis in originall.5 behaviour in this then asserted that he would bring Eyre's Gordon in order to shew the 'before the tribunal of an English public matter and the manneri in which the Government is enormities of this Country, Office had to rebuke Eyre for ignoradministered'. Even the Colonial the abuses at the lock-up: but Eyre ing Gordon's pertinent evidence on defended his decision by attacking Gordon: Mr. Gordon to be a most mischievous person and I believe deal of harm amongst uneducated one likely to do a great the lower classes of this and excitable persons such as are evils where His object appears not to be to rectify country. the Peasantry with the they exist but rather to impress and that idea that they labour under many cared grievances for by those in their welfare and interests are not authority. 36 Colonial the abuses at the lock-up: but Eyre ing Gordon's pertinent evidence on defended his decision by attacking Gordon: Mr. Gordon to be a most mischievous person and I believe deal of harm amongst uneducated one likely to do a great the lower classes of this and excitable persons such as are evils where His object appears not to be to rectify country. the Peasantry with the they exist but rather to impress and that idea that they labour under many cared grievances for by those in their welfare and interests are not authority. 36 --- Page 239 --- small and embryo cut-throats' 219 "Little agitators, speechifiers, Eyre's actions, some of Gordon's supporters in Following the Queen in support of him. Written St. Thomas in the East petitioned paper, the petiin beautiful calligraphy on fifteen inch cream-coloured directly to the Duke tion was accompanied by a cover letter addressed It clearly indicates a of Newcastle (Secretary of State for the Colonies). the first channel distrust of the Lieutenant Governor, who was usually to thus, the petition was an attempt through which to transmit petitions; the Fletcher petitions of 1859, go over his head on a local matter. As in and loyalty to the Gordon's supporters express profound attachment God' for the Queen, and deepest feelings of gratitude' to Almighty The then twenty-eight years before. petition blessings of emancipation. states: Memorialists consider that the proceedings against That your unconstitutional and altogether Mr. Gordon were irregular, removal from the Magistracy is a unwarrantable, and that his That the wrong to himself and a grievance to the Serious People.. to us as a principles involved in this matter are be and we pray that Your Gracious Majesty may people. an enquiry to remove the wrongs from pleased to institute original):7 which We are suffering [emphasisin Classes, and refer to themselves as the Emancipated The petitioners grounded on an assertion of memTheir claims were clearly others' : in English law and bership in the British empire, and morally grounded echoes that of 1859. and constitutionality. The call for an enquiry the petition. adumbrates that of 1865. Eyre's cover letter dismisses lead to the of the Chairman may I think fairly saying that the signature of the lower and uneducated presumption that it was a meeting meeting'. classes... it was neither a very numerous or influential at the Native was held This meeting of Gordon's supporters Custos refused to call a public Baptist chapel in Morant Bay (after the They moved that their meeting in the usual location, the courthouse). newspaper, and be sent resolutions be published once in each Jamaica as well as to Lord the London Times and other English papers, to John Bright and *other friends of the Brougham, Lord John Russell, in petitioning and cause of Liberty'. They were evidently experienced Surprisingly detailed inforofinternational publicity. the manipulation is provided by a highly critical report mation on their social position of Assembly and large landowner prepared by P. A. Espeut, a Member Report of Mr. George W. in the parish. Under the title An Analytical attacked the so-called Public Meeting' Espeut vehemently Gordon's each one's colour, personal Gordon. Describing men who supported such as mechanic, carpenter or petty background and occupation. , in petitioning and cause of Liberty'. They were evidently experienced Surprisingly detailed inforofinternational publicity. the manipulation is provided by a highly critical report mation on their social position of Assembly and large landowner prepared by P. A. Espeut, a Member Report of Mr. George W. in the parish. Under the title An Analytical attacked the so-called Public Meeting' Espeut vehemently Gordon's each one's colour, personal Gordon. Describing men who supported such as mechanic, carpenter or petty background and occupation. --- Page 240 --- 220 Democracy After Slavery for special derision. He shopkeeper, he singled out the small lawyers' Mulatto, a petty saddler at describes William Grant, for example. as: infests the another kind of character which particularly termed Morant Bay, island, viz. one who acts as what is small communities of the to put themselves against "a half inch lawyer" and advises the ignorant of the meeting. is Law'. William Foster March, the secretary the described as: Foster Henry March. Mulatto, illegitimate son of the late time in his He was for some Attorney at Law, Kingston.. little of Law. Father's office. and has acquired a knowledge about the country gains a wretched livelihood by going on law matters. proadvising the lower orders of the people otherwise acting litigation, preparing documents and of voking called in this country, 'a Negro house lawyer" as what is bad his father turned him out of no principle or character, SO lives in the Negro Huts about the his house and officel:] . whatever and only of influence country and has no position He can scarcely put half a for evil among the lower orders.. either in writing or dozen words together of good English attributed and never could have uttered the Speech speaking. to him. 39 for some of the opposition newspapers. March was actually a reporter Both Grant and March participated and worked as a clerk for Gordon. in the Underhill Meetings. the Gordon supporters by Espeut finally completed his rant against 'nest' of such characters: generalizing their local activities to a whole and its immediate vicinity is like the town of Morant Bay both in this Island and elsewhere. many other small towns this Island. the nest of a set SO in but perhaps pre-eminently occupation is that of halfinch of characters whose principal of them some possessing lawyers and village politicians. and others with no visible scarcely means of livelihood to be Mechanics in a means of subsistence. but professing are also the hotbed small way, while the town and its vicinity and all against white persons in particular of prejudice their position in society being respectable persons in general, the crime of regarded by the characters alluded to as greatest 40 which they could be guilty [emphasis in original). held in Morant Bay in October, when the pubA second meeting was that it was no part of the Lieutenant lished resolutions complained the offices of Prosecutor, Jury Governor's duty to proceed to discharge Mechanics in a means of subsistence. but professing are also the hotbed small way, while the town and its vicinity and all against white persons in particular of prejudice their position in society being respectable persons in general, the crime of regarded by the characters alluded to as greatest 40 which they could be guilty [emphasis in original). held in Morant Bay in October, when the pubA second meeting was that it was no part of the Lieutenant lished resolutions complained the offices of Prosecutor, Jury Governor's duty to proceed to discharge --- Page 241 --- small and embryo cu-throats' 221 Little agitators, speechifiers, for the alleged offence'. 41 Despite rebuking and Judge. and to punish someone in Eyre for including Espeut's S remarks in his correspondence, that, *it is the Colonial Office noted on the margin of the resolutions to of some ignorant men and it is impossible evidently the production ideology ofit'. 42 This depiction of an anti-clite political make anything networks and the symbolism of this conveys both the social political who mediated opposition, emerging from an educated group popular and the state. It was these literate and outspoken between peasants in Jamaica whose *agitation' and 'electioncer- 'organic intellectuals' and whose organization of ing' SO threatened the white establishment, criticism of British Underhill Mectings led to the greatest local public colonial rule up to that date.43 ties with Bogle's Gordon also had close political and religious had his own Native at Stony Gut, near Morant Bay. Gordon group known as the "Tabernacle'. - in which Bogle Baptist chapel in Kingston, Gordon's election agent' in served as a Deacon. Bogle also acted as and them to turn St. Thomas in the East, helping to register voters get 1863, the small (Heuman 1994: 64-6). In March out for elections elect Gordon as a Member of settlers organized by Bogle helped and in July of that year, he was Assembly for St. Thomas in the East, (Heuman 1994: also elected to the parish vestry and as a churchwarden had in early 1864, the Custos Baron von Ketelhodt 66). However, the while his position as a churchwarden Gordon ejected from vestry with the Native on the basis of his identification was challenged of the parish continued to return Gordon as a Baptists. Yet, the pcople in 1864 and 1865 (Heuman 1994: 67). vestryman in parish elections court case between Gordon The conflict resultedin a highly publicized turns 1865, which took various twists and throughout and Ketelhodt, when the rebellion broke out in and was still scheduled for retrial black of the parish, and October. It was these ties with the people ire upon with the white officials, which drew government enmity of Bogle in the Morant Bay Gordon following the involvement Rebellion. infamous for its lack of St. Thomas in the East was especially were about the judicial system justice for the poor and complaints Morant Bay Rebellion. Heuman common in the period prior to the there was was particuthat the administration of what justice argues Thomas in the East, leading people to establish larly corrupt in St. around Bogle *were heavily involved in alternative courts. The group these courts issued of these courts. In practice, the organization They also appointed or tried cases and exacted punishments. summons, lawyers, judges, justices of the peace, elected their own barristers, 73). The Custos of Kingston alluded police and clerks' (Heuman 1994: . Heuman common in the period prior to the there was was particuthat the administration of what justice argues Thomas in the East, leading people to establish larly corrupt in St. around Bogle *were heavily involved in alternative courts. The group these courts issued of these courts. In practice, the organization They also appointed or tried cases and exacted punishments. summons, lawyers, judges, justices of the peace, elected their own barristers, 73). The Custos of Kingston alluded police and clerks' (Heuman 1994: --- Page 242 --- 222 Democracy AfterSlavery in cvidence he gave to the Royal Commission. to the mock courts Bogle had always been counted a Ketelhodt also observed that. "Paul and that they generand looked up to by the other people. great man, to him to adjudieate." ally took their squabbles to have any direct involvement Although Gordon was not proven activities were seen as the rebellion, his words, ideas and public Ward, a in Witnesses such as Rev. Samuel Ringold inciting rebellion. Minister, blamed Gordon and his Black American Independent Baptist pamphlet entitled for causing the Rebellion. In a damning supporters Onl the Gordon Rebellion'. 1 he wrote: Reflections Rebellion of October 1865, was The origin of the Jamaica seditious and treasonable nothing more nor less than the and his subalterns: in teachings of George William Gordon occasions. In St. Anns. various ways and places upon various Thomas in the East: in St. Dorothy, Vere, Kingston, St. harangues, by means of Parliament, by letters, placards. stratagems. various agents and sub-agents. by political cabals: by specious Vestry broils, party bickerings. and secret lies, all designed and misrepresentations and downright of the lower classes. and to tending to unsettle the minds the authorities of the teach them to disregard and undervalue land form the Governor down to their employers. by Ketelhodt to hold a public Ward, in fact, had been given permission House. to try to counter Gordon's meeting at the Morant Bay Court influence there (Heuman 1984: 77). arrested in which after the uprising Gordon was Kingston. Shortly law, and transported to Morant Bay. Prohibited was not under martial friends. or witnesses in with family or presenting from communicating tried by court martial. found guilty and his defence, he was summarily there is no evidence Apart from Gordon's ties to Paul Bogie. to hanged. involved in the Underhill Meetings had anything that other pcople Rebellion. A few of Gordon's supporters were do with the Morant Bay Meeting in Morant in 1865 when Bogle called an Underhill the Court present Ketelhodt refused them permission to use Bay. (Baron von had to be held in the open air on the 12th of House, and the mecting Paul Bogle well after most of the other parish meetings.) to August, and led a deputation to Spanish Town present spoke at the meeting, were disappointed when to the Governor: they the parish grievances 1962: 45). Yet, Bogle's presence at Eyre refused to see them (Semmel that others knew of the plans being this meeting does not indicate letter to the Custos of Kingston made at Stony Gut. An anonymous stated as much. It is true that during the period of martial law even 12th of House, and the mecting Paul Bogle well after most of the other parish meetings.) to August, and led a deputation to Spanish Town present spoke at the meeting, were disappointed when to the Governor: they the parish grievances 1962: 45). Yet, Bogle's presence at Eyre refused to see them (Semmel that others knew of the plans being this meeting does not indicate letter to the Custos of Kingston made at Stony Gut. An anonymous stated as much. It is true that during the period of martial law even --- Page 243 --- small and embryo cut-throats' 223 "Little agitators. speechifiers, hold their Underhill Conventional meetings' stated these men are to like Smith, Vaz, Roach, Goldson, the unknown writer. but men Kelly would excite of a rebellious character. nor they Harry are not negroes like the lower orders of St. Thomas ye East or advise ignorant men if these black men, who are keeping thembarbarians. Take care selves respectably, are disgraced'. 'mock courts' would better Following the rebellion, the phrase of terror that were apply to the drumhead courts and month-long reign that at unleashed under cover of martial law'. Underhill charged existence least 430 persons were shot or hung in retaliation during the crime were innocent of any . of martial law.. .many sufferers entirely and cruelly burnt; whatever; that a thousand dwellings were wantonly not fewer than six hundred persons were scourged and that certainly at Bath, with in a most reckless manner, with the greatest barbarity, 1895: 52-3). wire inserted in the lash' (Underhill cats having piano though, various publics were Even as these events were unfolding. the official reports in the newscompeting to narrate them. Contesting of martial law, one group sent an papers, in the dangerous context their account of letter to the Custos of Kingston giving anonymous events: of what happen in St. Thomas in the East; that WE tell you man and woman, old and the governor sent to shot every house. That it is a damn young, and to burn down every from the second death shame to see, but God will save them This Governor send the innocent ones them, Lord save them. rebels alone and men to shot without law, not to seek for the Well, Sir, our best black men are going to shot. the riotors : Mr. G. W. Gordon is gone, the poor it is but one death, as House not a man remember the poor man's friend, for in the the town to the ground, and man. Well, we will burn down back every man kill you and kill ourselves if you don't bring and brown, take away from Kingston... . We, as black you don't care for burn lose lives, SO bring and poor whites SO we You will laugh at my writing, but them back and let them go. I don't care. Death, death for all... fed into the white fear of a black uprising Threats such as this general doctrine social and reinforced the belief in the Gordon-Haytian the conclusion of revolution from below. To fully examine this charge, connections between this book will delve into the swirl of murky of Kingston in Haiti and Jamaica that existed in the underworld and embryo the little agitators, small speechifiers. 1865, among cut-throats." You will laugh at my writing, but them back and let them go. I don't care. Death, death for all... fed into the white fear of a black uprising Threats such as this general doctrine social and reinforced the belief in the Gordon-Haytian the conclusion of revolution from below. To fully examine this charge, connections between this book will delve into the swirl of murky of Kingston in Haiti and Jamaica that existed in the underworld and embryo the little agitators, small speechifiers. 1865, among cut-throats." --- Page 244 --- 224 Democracy Afier Slavery Notes from s father that his son was literate and sometimes 1 Evidence McLaren" suggests around served as a lay-preacher or exhorter of prayer in the Native Baptist chapels Morant Bay (JRC, Part 2. Evidence of John McLaren, p. 246); cf. Heuman, The Killing Time, p. 80-83. 165; cf. The Killing Time, 2 JRC, Part 2: Evidence of William Anderson, p. Heuman, p. 82. Extracts 3 PRO 30/48/44, Original Evidence of the Jamaica Royal Commission, from English Newspapers, 53. the 4 JRC, Part 2, Evidence of John Burnett, p. 229. In other parts of the report, name is spelled 'Geoghegan', but I keep this spelling for consistency. Women the events at Morant Bay, as both Wilmot (1995) and were again prominent during confirms (Sheller 1997). Heuman (1994) have documented. and my own research 5 CO 136/392, Eyre to Cardwell, 5 July 1865, encl. Petition of African labourers. Vere. 6 NLJ,MS 106, Underhill Letter, 5 Jan. 1865. 7 BMS, 'Extracts from Correspondence with Missionaries in Jamaica. On the Disturbances, by E. B. Underhill, 1864 to 1866', Underhill to Dendy. 1 Dec. 1864. 8 The Sentinel, 28 Mar. 1865. 9 The Sentinel, 15 Apr. 1865. 10 CO 137/394, Eyre to Cardwell, 7 Nov. 1865, enclosing Salmon to Eyre. 13. 11 From Jamaica: lts State and Prospects' 1 Anonymous (London, 1867), p. 12 This race-conscious joint-stock association foreshadows the idea behind Marcus Garvey's Black Star line, which had similar aims and came under similar attack (Clarke and Garvey, Marcus Garvey). Following the formation of a Freedman's Aid Society in the United States after the Civil War, a British and Foreign Freedman's Aid Society was also formed to promote projects to benefit former slaves in the British colonies. ("Jamaica: Its State and Prospects', , (London, 1867)). After the Morant Bay Rebellion, however. all workers'" meetings were banned and such projects were linked to "agitators." 13 CO 137/392, Eyre to Cardwell, no. 189, 24 July 1865, encl. Report of John Salmon. 14 CO 137/392, Eyre to Cardwell, no. 198. 7 Aug. 1865. encl. Report of John Salmon. 15 PRO 30/48/42, Eyre to Cardwell, (Nov.] 1865. 56. As Barry Higman notes of this period. 'squatters were often unable to obtain freehold tenure and one of the principal objectives of the government survey office established in 1867 was the identification and eviction of such squatters' (Higman, Jamaica Surveyed: Plantation Maps and Plans ofthe eigliteentli and nineteentli Centuries(Kingston: Institute of Jamaica, 1988], 286). 16 JRC, Part 2. The County Union, 17 Oct. 1865, 199. 17 Reported in the County Union, Vol. 16. no. 26. 1 Apr. 1864. Levien was arrested during martial law after the Morant Bay Rebellion, but eventually released. For further details on indentured immigration. see Hugh Tinker. A New System of Slavery: The Export of Indian Labour Overseas, 1830-1920, 2nd ed. (Lonson: Hansib, 1993); David Northrup, Indentured Labor in thie Age of Imperialism, 1834-1922 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 1995): and David Dabydeen and Brinsley Samaroo. eds., India in the Caribbean (London: Hansib, 1987). 18 The remarkable story of one East Asian migrant exists in the petition of Muni Sarni (a.k.a. Thomas Laurence). Converted to Methodism, he came to Jamaica under indenture in 1846; in 1859, he became immigration agent for the govern- ansib, 1993); David Northrup, Indentured Labor in thie Age of Imperialism, 1834-1922 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 1995): and David Dabydeen and Brinsley Samaroo. eds., India in the Caribbean (London: Hansib, 1987). 18 The remarkable story of one East Asian migrant exists in the petition of Muni Sarni (a.k.a. Thomas Laurence). Converted to Methodism, he came to Jamaica under indenture in 1846; in 1859, he became immigration agent for the govern- --- Page 245 --- "Little agitators, small speechifiers, and embryo cut-throats' 225 ment, travelling to London and tract labourers. His petition describes Calcutta, where he helped sign up 5000 new conown people and being black-balled their terrible treatment, his ostracism WMMS, West Indies from the plantations after by his 8 Oct. 1864). Corr., Jamaica, Box 204 [misfile), "Petition complaining of (see the 19 Jamaica Coolies', Papers, no. 1, Rev. H. Clarke to Mr. Clarke was also prosecuted in 1862 for Chamerovzow, 6 Jan. 1866. 31-4. planters as a body, for saying in the "libel on the Government and on the starved, flogged, and murdered". The newspaper that the coolies were were substantiated. case was dropped when many of his "cheated, 20 CO 137/346, Governor's charges Half-yearly Agricultural Despatches. Darling to Newcastle, 8 Sept. 1859. 21 Colonial Standard Report ofT. Witter Jackson. encl. & Jamaica 22 The Sentinel, 24 Mar. Despatch, 8 Feb. 1865. coloured member of 1865. This paper was edited by Robert A. Press Assembly, who also edited The Johnson, a (Heuman 1981). Watchnan and Jamaica 23 CO 137/368, Lt. Gov. Free 24 JRC, Part 2, Evidence of Eyre to Duke of Newcastle, no. 113, 24 Nov. 25 CO 137/391, Rev. Robert Myret Parnther, 44. 1862. Eyre to Cardwell, no. 137, 1865. May 1865, encl. County Union, 23 26 CO 137/391, May 27 CO Eyre to Cardwell, no. 142.6June 1865. 137/391, Eyre to Cardwell, no. 148, 19 23 May 1865. June 1865, encl. County Union, 28 CO 137/391, Eyre to Lindo. Cardwell, no. 172, 10 July 1865, Report of Custos Alexander 29 CO 137/392, Eyre to Cardwell, no. 174, 12 Eyre [n.d.). July 1865, encl. Custos to Georges This compilation ofi information is based on names reported in the following sources: CO137/344 or participants and signatories 1859, encl. Resolutions of Kingston Darling to Newcastle, 12 Mar. Petition to the Queen; CO137/367 Lt. public meeting chaired by G. W. Gordon and Memorial to the Queen from St. Gov. Eyre to Newcastle, 8 Sept. 1862, encl. Morant Bay on 27 Aug. 1862; CO137/368 Thos-ye-East, resolutions of a public meeting at 1862, encl. Cheyne to Newcastle Lt. Gov. Eyre to Newcastle, 3 Dec. Bay on 13 Oct. 1862; CO 137/391 copy of Resolutions from a meeting at Morant Resolutions from the Kingston Underhill Eyre to Cardwell, 17 May 1865, encl. Press, 5 June 1865, report of Public Meeting; Jamaica Watchman and Free G. W. Gordon; CO 137/391 Meeting at Kingston Tabernacle chaired Eyre to Cardwell, 7 June by Spanish Town Underhill Meeting; CO 137/392 1865, encl. re to Newcastle, 3 Dec. Bay on 13 Oct. 1862; CO 137/391 copy of Resolutions from a meeting at Morant Resolutions from the Kingston Underhill Eyre to Cardwell, 17 May 1865, encl. Press, 5 June 1865, report of Public Meeting; Jamaica Watchman and Free G. W. Gordon; CO 137/391 Meeting at Kingston Tabernacle chaired Eyre to Cardwell, 7 June by Spanish Town Underhill Meeting; CO 137/392 1865, encl. Resolutions of encl. Resolutions from St. Davids Underhill Eyre to Cardwell, 12J July 1865, Jamaica Watchman and Meeting chaired by Samuel Ann's People 's Free Press, 28 Aug. 1865, Clarke; Bay Underhill Meeting, chaired by G. W. Resolutions of Saint Evidence of William Anderson on speech of James Gordon; JRC, Part 2, 1866, Papers relating to the Disturbances in McLaren [at Church Corner?]; 8 Nov. 1865, encl. 1, Petition of James Jamaica, Part 1, no. 28, Eyre to Cardwell, 1865. Dacre and others, Stony Gut, 10 Oct. 31 CO 137/376, Lt. Gov. Eyre to Duke of 32 CO 136/392, Eyre to Cardwell, 8 Newcastle, 20 Feb. 1864. 33 CO 137/376, July 1865. Eyre to Duke of Newcastle, no. 73, 25 Feb. Morning Journal, 25 Feb. 1864. 1864, encl. ition of James Jamaica, Part 1, no. 28, Eyre to Cardwell, 1865. Dacre and others, Stony Gut, 10 Oct. 31 CO 137/376, Lt. Gov. Eyre to Duke of 32 CO 136/392, Eyre to Cardwell, 8 Newcastle, 20 Feb. 1864. 33 CO 137/376, July 1865. Eyre to Duke of Newcastle, no. 73, 25 Feb. Morning Journal, 25 Feb. 1864. 1864, encl. extract from 34 PRO 30/48/44, Cardwell Papers, JRC, Evidence of Lewis Q. Bowerbank, 2. --- Page 246 --- 226 Democracy After Slavery 35 CO 137/367, Gordon to Hugh W. Austin (Governor's Secretary). enclosed in Lt. Gov. Eyre to Duke of Newcastle, no. 41, 8July 1862 and no. 52,24 July 1862. 36 CO 137/367, Lt. Gov. Eyre to Duke of Newcastle, no. 56, 7 Aug. 1862. 37 CO 137/367. Memorial to the Queen from St. Thomas in the East. 4 September 1862. enclosed in Eyrc to Newcastle, no. 80. 8 Sept. 1862. ofP. A. encl. in Eyre to Newcastle, no. 84. 23 Sept. 38 CO 137/367, Report Espeut, 1862. of P. A. Espeut, encl. in Eyre tO Newcastle, no. 84, 23 Sept. 39 CO 137/367. Report 1862. encl. in Eyre to Newcastle, no. 84. 23 Sept. 40 CO 137/367. Report ofP. A. Espeut, 1862. 41 CO 137/368, Eyre to Newcastle, 3 Dec. 1862, encl. Cheyne to Newcastle. Nov. 1862. 42 When government correspondence concerning Espeut's report was included laid before Parliament in 1865, there were clear Colonial Office among instructions papers that the offensive report and the Governor's references to it be omitted (see PRO 30/48/2). If anything. this served to protect Eyre from charges of a longstanding vendetta against Gordon, for whose execution he was personally responsible (cf. Heuman, Thle Killing Time: and Bernard Semmel, The Governor Evre Controversy (London: Macgibbon and Kee, 1963). 43 In other parts of Latin America, Mallon has found a similar mediation role for local intellectuals and village lawyers, known as tinterillos (Mallon. Peasant and Nation, p. 12):; and cf. Robert Paquette, Sugaris Made with Blood (Middletown. CT: Wesleyan University Press, 1988). p. 94. 44 PRO 30/48/44. Evidence of Louis Q. Bowerbank. 45 Samuel R. Ward, Reflections Upon the Gordon Rebellion (Pamphlet. n.p.. n.d.]4. See also his evidence in JRC, Evidence of Samuel Ringold Ward, pp. 555-6. 46 Papers 1866b, Part 1, Eyre tO Cardwell, 20 Oct. 1865, encl. 49. 47 Papers 1866b, Part 1, Eyre to Cardwell, no. 22. 7 Nov. 1865. encl. 43.p. 125. of Louis Q. Bowerbank. 45 Samuel R. Ward, Reflections Upon the Gordon Rebellion (Pamphlet. n.p.. n.d.]4. See also his evidence in JRC, Evidence of Samuel Ringold Ward, pp. 555-6. 46 Papers 1866b, Part 1, Eyre tO Cardwell, 20 Oct. 1865, encl. 49. 47 Papers 1866b, Part 1, Eyre to Cardwell, no. 22. 7 Nov. 1865. encl. 43.p. 125. --- Page 247 --- Conclusion: the Morant Bay agitators - a Haytian conspiracy? Fear of the Haitian on popular example was a powerful 'story line'in elite organizations and political views cially when the phrases 'black movements in Jamaica, became the cleave to black' and 'colour for espeslogans of the Morant Bay rebellion. colour' Jamaica's white newspapers and Prior to the uprising, commonly of the "Gordon-Haytian' governmental correspondence spoke Gordon was doctrine, a vague promoting an anti-colonial, supposition that lines of the Haitian Revolution, anti-white rebellion along the white fear of Haiti noted in and in keeping with the traditional to indulge in the Chapter 3. Gordon had in fact been known speeches. In imagery of revolution in some of a letter ofhis published in The his writings and suggested, rather ominously: Sentinel in April 1865, he When Charles Ist of England refused to abide which he had become a by the laws to was beheaded! When the party a revolution ensued and he the popular elective Sovereign ofthe French disregarded to abdicate and rights there was a revolution, and he had fly from the Kingdom! Ifin are to be disregarded, by those who Jamaica our laws them.. .how long are bound to conserve may good order be expected to continue?! During the court martial at Morant Bay, it was told the people at a public also charged that he had he adamantly denied meeting to 'do as the Haytians it. As Catherine Hall has do', though spectres of Haiti (where the blacks had driven suggested, the double of the Indian Mutiny. were out all the whites), and English consciousness, ever present in both the Jamaican and the shaping fears' (C. Hall 1992: 282). In the expectations and raising hopes and to Haiti and to the recent 'Indian aftermath of Morant Bay, references shaped British perceptions of the Mutiny' peppered the evidence and the *1831 rebellion as well events. Heuman, too, suggests that as the Haitian serve as models of protest' in Jamaica Revolution continued to Is it possible that there (Heuman 1994: 40). among politically actually was a transnational disaffected groups of Jamaicans and Haitians conspiracy in fears' (C. Hall 1992: 282). In the expectations and raising hopes and to Haiti and to the recent 'Indian aftermath of Morant Bay, references shaped British perceptions of the Mutiny' peppered the evidence and the *1831 rebellion as well events. Heuman, too, suggests that as the Haitian serve as models of protest' in Jamaica Revolution continued to Is it possible that there (Heuman 1994: 40). among politically actually was a transnational disaffected groups of Jamaicans and Haitians conspiracy in --- Page 248 --- 228 Democracy After Slavery Haitian exiles in Jamaica over 1865? There had certainly been many views in the and somc had gone SQ faras to express political in the years. we have seen above, but were any involved public newspapers, as Jamaicans? The evidence for this with black actual political conspiracy to have been fabricated for purposes is slim, and in many cases seems Green concludes in his analysis of of repression. Though, as William the Morant Bay era, conspiracy to transform Although there was no organized of the into a second Haiti as Eyre and a large portion Jamaica believed, the Underhill meetwhite and coloured population had a strong sense of ings and the agitation of 1865 produced and afforded them solidarity among the black population leadership which they had not previously a conspicuous possessed (Green 1991: 390). that Haitians in Jamaica had any interest whatIt seems very unlikely rebellion ofany kind there. On the other soever in supporting a black Jamaicans in their own political hand, Haitians did involve some black of an independent and more generally offered an example intrigues, contributing to a greater sense of political black state, perhaps thereby black Jamaicans may have moved agency. It is conceivable that some by the Haitian example. towards a radical anti-colonial stance, inspired involved in Haitian exiles in Jamaica in the 1860s were certainly Geffrard, the government of President Fabré efforts to overthrow by the British government. As early which was at that time supported the activities of General as 1862, Lt. Governor Eyre was monitoring in Jamaica following the fall Lysius Felicité Salomon. who had arrived Office that The Governor informed the Colonial of Soulouque. involved in any plots against the existing government Salomon was not shortly before his arrival in of Haiti, although one had occurred President Geffrard claimed Jamaica.2 In a speech to the Haitian Senate. centre of agitation fon that besides enemies within, there was another were divided shores, formed of men who, in their own country, foreign other. but [were] now being animated by the in politics, and hated each calumnies and falsehoods, and of fursame one purpose of fabricating to the disaffected at home' nishing ammunitions, arms and money coalition, confirmed that (Bird 1869: 401). Bird, describing this forces with more recent exiles Soulouque's party in Jamaica had joined He noted that *the large associated with General Sylvain Salnave. in 1859, were now of Soulouque. at the fall of the Empire exiled party contributed immensely to the general embarin sympathy, and unitedly at work, both in and out of the rassment; in truth, the elements now 1869: 399). country, were powerful and threatening' (Bird and money coalition, confirmed that (Bird 1869: 401). Bird, describing this forces with more recent exiles Soulouque's party in Jamaica had joined He noted that *the large associated with General Sylvain Salnave. in 1859, were now of Soulouque. at the fall of the Empire exiled party contributed immensely to the general embarin sympathy, and unitedly at work, both in and out of the rassment; in truth, the elements now 1869: 399). country, were powerful and threatening' (Bird --- Page 249 --- Conclusion: The Morant Bay Agitators - a Haytian conspiracy? 229 Geffrard was animated by a nationalist and The coalition against It included Salnave, a populist northern potentially "noiriste' outlook. in 1867), and General Salomon, (of army chief (who became president who challenged mulatto the black land-holding family in Aux Cayes. who served as a diplocontrol during the liberal revolution in 1843), to his exile in mat and minister of finance under Soulouque prior National and evenJamaica, and went on to become leader of the Parti like the Custos of tually President of Haiti (1879-88). Authorities for these Haitian emigrés of setting a bad example Kingston suspected the Afro-Jamaican lower classes': the of Hayti, Soulouque, and For some time past ex-Emperor have resided in members of his family and adherents left Hayti some of those who have Kingston. as also. latterly, Lamothe and under President Geffrard's rule as General deal of style, Salomons, etc. These persons lived in a good I appeared orderly and well-conducted. and externally of these refugees in Kingston has believe that the presence the minds of some of the lower had a prejudicial effect on of them appeared to classes in and about Kingston, as many of these persons had be under the impression that the wealth that legitimate means, and they argued not been acquired by wealth and live in that style, they if black men could acquire might do the same.3 major actors of the Haitian opposition linked Was the presence of these in Jamaica prior to the Morant Bay in any way with political agitation must have inspired some degree of rebellion? At the very least, they they were Bowerbank suggests; more importantly, emulation, as activities during their stay in Jamaica. involved in military known to be purchasing arms in Supporters of Salnave were supporters. The Jamaica in the spring of 1865, and possibly gathering an illicit market in end of the Civil War in the United States created During and munitions from the defeated Confederacy. leftover arms Morant Bay Rebellion, a former Confederate the enquiry into the wrote a letterto the British Secretary Lieutenant, H. B. Edenborough, forwarded to Governor Eyre in of State for the Colonies later 'connecting certain Haytian Jamaica claiming to have evidence claimed that in June with the rebel Gordon".4 Edenborough whom he negroes to him along with a "bright mulatto' 1865, Gordon came to purchase a clipperintroduced as a General, and they negotiated nine shooting pistols, hand schooner along with breech-loading rifles, and gunpowder. He also small torpedos and ammunition touch grenades. several refugee Haitian generals, described their plans to pick up of State for the Colonies later 'connecting certain Haytian Jamaica claiming to have evidence claimed that in June with the rebel Gordon".4 Edenborough whom he negroes to him along with a "bright mulatto' 1865, Gordon came to purchase a clipperintroduced as a General, and they negotiated nine shooting pistols, hand schooner along with breech-loading rifles, and gunpowder. He also small torpedos and ammunition touch grenades. several refugee Haitian generals, described their plans to pick up --- Page 250 --- 230 Democracy Afer Slavery and then land them in Jamaica near Black at the Mole St. Nicholas refcrred to a 'new West India River. He also claimed that they referred to the Dominican Republic', by which hc thought thcy War of against which was in the midst of a Independence both in Republic, but it was repeated Spain. Thc charge was never substantiated, Commission. After the the Jamaican press and before the Royal following the enquiry, unproven charges were quietly dropped had not been Gordon at all. however. it emerged that the real negotiator Andain (Harvey and Brewin Haitian of Salnave named but a supporter the activities of the 1867: 21). Although unconnected to Gordon, of Jamaican asylum and Haitians were both contrary to the terms foreign policy. opposed to Britain's pro-Geffrard Gordon with revoluLikewise, attempts to link some supporters society was supA secret tionary doctrines were equally unsupported. of St. Ann shortly after the Morant posedly discovered in the parish Falmouth Post, its leader and Rebellion and, according to the Bay seven members were arrested: has reached us that Mr. Rodney. the chief proIntelligence members of a secret association, recently moter, and seven under the title of the Liberation founded in the above parish of it have been arrested.. The very appellation Society,' and treason. since its obvious meaning smells of conspiracy island from the existing governseems *the liberation ofthe to be a prosment," 1 and since its head. Mr. Rodney, appeared of the doctrine. and a supporter elyte of the Gordon-Haytien which aim at Underhill letter. Societies of this description. arm rebellion and miracle, must be suppressed by the strong of the law.5 fact Chairman of the Underhill Thomas Rodney was in Acting with Joseph Burton had helped Convention, as noted above. and along Ann's chaired by the Underhill Meeting at St. Bay. to organize whites considered Rodney and Burton turbulent G. W. Gordon." Local they be arrested. though there dangerous characters'. and suggested Rebellion.? Other to connect them to the Morant Bay was nothing for speaking out in support black politicians also came under suspicion meetings. Samucl and for organizing public of the disenfranchised described by the Jamaica Committee as Clarke, a black vestryman, was freeholder in the Parish of St. David's, where he enjoyed a his coloured brethren, because considerable influence among them from injusof his ability to speak for them and protect obnoxious to the tice. He had in this way become especially '. and suggested Rebellion.? Other to connect them to the Morant Bay was nothing for speaking out in support black politicians also came under suspicion meetings. Samucl and for organizing public of the disenfranchised described by the Jamaica Committee as Clarke, a black vestryman, was freeholder in the Parish of St. David's, where he enjoyed a his coloured brethren, because considerable influence among them from injusof his ability to speak for them and protect obnoxious to the tice. He had in this way become especially --- Page 251 --- Conclusion: The Morant Bay Agitators a Haytian conspiracy? 231 During the summer prior to planters or estate attorneys.. Mr. Clarke had taken the chair at an the riot at Morant Bay David's, and formed one of the Underhill Meeting. in St. him with copies of deputation to Governor Eyre to present He also spoke at the the resolutions for transmission home. in the East.* Underhill Meetings in Kingston and St. Thomas who 'acted as a 'lawyer' on behalf Clarke was also known as someone courts' - (Heuman 1994: 154), and of the people, especially in the petty with the Custos. During his activities had brought him into conflict General Forbes of the Morant Bay Rebellion, Major suppression and other rebels had ties to 'rebel leaders' Jackson reported that Bogle he wrote, 'were in the habit of like Samuel Clarke. The demagogues'. 7 of a Coroner for meetings previous to the late election holding night informed a blackman that it was then and the Parish. and I was by by the whites should be there decided that whoever might be proposed Clarke was executed strenuously opposed by the Blacks". Samuel language at martial law at Morant Bay for the use of seditious under into Gordon's office in Underhill Meetings; he had been seen going his brother was married to Kingston on the day of the rebellion and Bogle's daughter. associations, on the other hand, were conSome popular political exercises and secret oaths. The nected with armed drilling, military of what happens to a formation of secret societies raises the question of and means organization subaltern public ifit is not given legitimate semi-clandestine and secret There is evidence of numerous expression. in Kingston and in other parishes, societies among Afro-Jamaicans, militia-style drilling in 1865. Two some of which were practising Rebellion, The Colonial Standard and months before the Morant Bay elite fears in the west: Jamaica Despatch reported in doubt that in several parishes, and notably It is beyond numbers of the humbler classes have Kingston, considerable that they wear distinenrolled themselves into companies, drill, and instruct themguishing uniforms, attend regular exercise. There are selves in every variety of military secret conferences societies among the same classes, holding 10 passwords and signs. and using private Rebellion, the written after the Morant Bay In a report to the Governor that reports on drilling by the 'lower Custos of Kingston indicated and that his inspectors had found classes' in the newspapers were true, in a private yard at the west number of them met almost daily that 'a drilled; that they went by the name end of the city. and were regularly , attend regular exercise. There are selves in every variety of military secret conferences societies among the same classes, holding 10 passwords and signs. and using private Rebellion, the written after the Morant Bay In a report to the Governor that reports on drilling by the 'lower Custos of Kingston indicated and that his inspectors had found classes' in the newspapers were true, in a private yard at the west number of them met almost daily that 'a drilled; that they went by the name end of the city. and were regularly --- Page 252 --- 232 Democracy After Slavery organized, and Volunteers'; that they had two companies of "Sham the east end of the city: that they had were about raising another one at doctors, &c.1 also a staff of generals, colonels, adjutants. in groups organizing Although there was nothing illegal popular concerned that the into drill bands, the government was especially had held several 'balls members of the 'Sham Volunteers' in Kingston or Belvidere under the title of the Belgradia or evening parties these social activities, along with the considered Society". - The Custos in the public streets, to be objectionwearing of expensive uniforms Like the rich Haitian Generals-in-exile. able, and asked them to desist. celebrations and wearing uniforms black lower classes' holding public in the Jamaica Watchan threatened public order'. A letter printed (signed simply Free Press, from a member of this society and People's of the of the New Belvedere A Negro' ), indicates that one purposes On the eve ofthe First of Society" was to commemorate emancipation. to commemorate the 27th August, the members 'gave an entertainment which 'creditable speeches" of emancipation in this Island' at their year the days of slavery and celebrating were given, remembering others for overlooking the deliverance from its evils. but also chiding of public comdate. 12 The event indicates the importance significant for the construction of a black political memoration and remembrance sentiments of the mechanics and peasantries movement, and echoes the attendance at their 1859 who had requested the Governor's and the sancJubilee. The symbolism of emancipation Emancipation however, were part of a conceptual network tity of the First of August, of whites in Jamaica. and seemingly of not shared with the majority official little significance to the government or public. themselves. groups were also arming Other more menacing in other parishes were During martial law, secret bands of "Revivalists' Rebellion. One Justice of in the Morant Bay accused ofinvolvement office in Malvern in November, the Peace wrote to his local police 1865, that: last I was informed that there were a large On Monday lances at a called the Buildings. number of spears or place male and female, near Round Hill, and a number of persons, SO for a long secret meetings, and have been doing keeping After the search was made a large number of time past... found, also a large quantity of stones, a these spears were Bogle, with several unintelliloaded gun, and a paper signed 12 or 14 gible sentences.. I believe the police apprehended and conveyed them to Black River.. [who belong] persons, called "Revivalists"." to the same band or society the Buildings. number of spears or place male and female, near Round Hill, and a number of persons, SO for a long secret meetings, and have been doing keeping After the search was made a large number of time past... found, also a large quantity of stones, a these spears were Bogle, with several unintelliloaded gun, and a paper signed 12 or 14 gible sentences.. I believe the police apprehended and conveyed them to Black River.. [who belong] persons, called "Revivalists"." to the same band or society --- Page 253 --- Conclusion: The Morant Bay Agitators - (l Haytian conspiracy? Mr. Finlason reported in November that at some Similarly, a were found some hard wood spikes about Revivalists' meeting-houses police took with them seven or 8 feet long and well sharpenedl:1..the sticks, and...left as about three dozen of the sharpened iron-wood load a mule cart in the house'.' 14 Perhaps, these groups many as would methods ofthe Haitian Piquets; in any event, they were inspired by the fears of a Haitian 'race were reminiscent of the worst Anglo-Jamaican war'. there is little evidence of an actual 'Haytian conspiracy' Although overthrow of the and - violent government in Jamaica - i.e.a plan for or at least very expulsion of the whites - it is certainly probable. in the that some Jamaican political activists were involved plausible. of Geffrard in nearby Haiti. Even more complans for the overthrow rhetoric of revolution or white rhetoric of pelling than either Gordon's between some of the black menace is concrete evidence of connections exiles in Jamaica who Gordon's supporters and certain of the Haitian against support for Salnave's campaigns were clearly organizing of Gordon's and key organizers of some of Geffrard. Two associates Emanuel Joseph Goldson and the 1865 Underhill Meetings. were that they were in contact with William Kelly Smith. There is evidence links in the Salomon and General Lamothe, who were key General ofthe Haitian government of Geffrard coalition planning an overthrow Rebellion. The Haitian exiles had got SO at the time of the Morant Bay and had sailed for Haiti in far as to fit out a schooner with ammunition in Jamaica, supposedly October 1865, but had returned to Port Antonio because of a Spanish because of bad weather, but more probably in the Haitian Senate blockade of Hispaniola.s Geffrard's speech of ammunition and arms had got through previimplied that shipments activists in opposition to the Eyre ously. Some of the Jamaican political involved to some extent in these government appear to have also been plans for a new black government in nearby Haiti. and Kelly Smith of Custos Bowerbank suspected Goldson for their involvement in some sort of conspiracy (and was responsible in his Morant under martial law), as he reported deportation to Bay evidence to the Royal Commission: I heard from the inspector of police, as also Subsequently Consul, that certain notoriously disaffected from the Haytian a person of the name of citizens of Kingston. especially communication with Wm. Kelly Smith, was in frequent Lamothes; and the General Salomons, a friend of General Goldron [sic] inspector of police told me that Joseph Emanuel to had stated to him that he and Kelly Smith intended going his Morant under martial law), as he reported deportation to Bay evidence to the Royal Commission: I heard from the inspector of police, as also Subsequently Consul, that certain notoriously disaffected from the Haytian a person of the name of citizens of Kingston. especially communication with Wm. Kelly Smith, was in frequent Lamothes; and the General Salomons, a friend of General Goldron [sic] inspector of police told me that Joseph Emanuel to had stated to him that he and Kelly Smith intended going --- Page 254 --- 234 Democracy Ater Slavery They both of them had Hayti with General Lamothe.. held in Kingston and attended the Underhill Meetings active at such had both taken an part Spanish Town. They the of the Underhill meetings, and Kelly Smith was secretary Convention.' 16 not only the development Goldson and Kelly Smith represented leadership, especially in black political base and indigenous of a of a wider black Caribbean identity. Kingston. but also the emergence who took an active part in It was these men and their associates Underhill Meetings in the eastern parishes. intelligent. organizing Bowerbank describes as 'a very Goldson, whom senior sergeant of police in shrewd black man', had in fact been a for conduct. in 1862 improper Kingston, but was discharged great influence over continued to exercise Nevertheless. he reportedly still had allies in the Corporation of the mostly black police force, and Smith indicated to the authorities Kingston. Both Goldson and Kelly the peasantry and stirring up that they would desist from organizing if they themselves were given agitation against the government 17 Whatever their political respectable positions in local government. the clearest link between motivations and ideologies were, they are and Haitian political Underhill Meetings Gordon's supporters. Rebellion. government officials intrigues. Shortly after the Morant Bay Kelly Smith and Goldson Eyre that we arrested reported to Governor made that they were constantly in commuthis morning on an affidavit the Watchman office. We are also nication with George W. Gordon at on the 25th (not certain Haytians to quit the country ordering in communication with Kelly Smith'. Soulouque), as we find they are than mere character defamaWhat makes these speculations more edited by Kelly lent them if we turn to the newspaper tion is the support The Jamaica Watchman and People's Smith in association with Gordon, Underhill Meetings. it carried a Free Press. In the summer of the in Haiti. In an article of August number of articles on political events ofits to dispel rumours that 7th, 1865, the lead editorial went out way the Geffrard governJamaicans were involved in the opposition against into the activities of ment, and it criticized the Governor's however, enquiries it referred to several General Lamothe. At the same time, detailed accounts in the and gave one of the most Haitian newspapers events in Haiti. The article was Jamaican press at the time of current role in the affair, referring to the particularly disparaging of the British deal with Geffrard as dishonorable: British consul's already aware, that a Provisional Government The public are Haiti and that Françoise Joseph has been established at Cape the opposition against into the activities of ment, and it criticized the Governor's however, enquiries it referred to several General Lamothe. At the same time, detailed accounts in the and gave one of the most Haitian newspapers events in Haiti. The article was Jamaican press at the time of current role in the affair, referring to the particularly disparaging of the British deal with Geffrard as dishonorable: British consul's already aware, that a Provisional Government The public are Haiti and that Françoise Joseph has been established at Cape --- Page 255 --- Conclusion: The Morant Bay Agitators (I Haytian conspiracy? 235 directs the affairs of the insurgents. Geffrard's army made but were repulsed by several attempts to regain possession. and Haitians. The remnant of the army returned the Cape Port-au-Prince the results of their expedition, and reported at President Geffrard to enter into some dishonwhich induced British Consul under the plea of orable arrangement with the that In confor- "protection" to the British Subjects at place. Her with this statement, on the 4th day of July last, mity Lilly arrived at Cape Haiti, and landed three Majestyl's] ship including a number of Marines with hundred Europeans, rifles in hand, alleging that their visit was to protect English from being destroyed by the insurgents with two property The Cape Haitians, seeing these strangers pieces of Artillery. became amazingly parading in the public thoroughfares. General Salnave to enquire incensed, and deputed their whither are they come. 19 ships joined the force and were fired on from Eventually. two British the Bien Public, was also said to Fort Picolet. A Haitian newspaper, turning back to Kingston without have reported a schooner, Fashion, visit. This was probably the ship secing the coast of its intended British consul, who believed it was reported to Governor Eyre by the The Watchman from Jamaica in support ofthe Haitian insurgents. sent but concluded that, *It cannot be claimed to doubt any such doings, is on the wain (sic), and that doubted, that President Geffrard's power method to keep up his tottering government he is adopting every indeed, would have fallen had it not [emphasis in original]', which, been for British intervention at this time. for bombarding Cap The British force was actually responsible of Salnave from Haïtien and dislodging the 'provisional government' hitherto unsuccessful there, thus allowing Geffrard's its stronghold 1869: 396). Finally, on August 21st, 1865, troops to enter the city (Bird direct statement on its views of the Watchman printed an even more to British events in Haiti, views that were distinctly contrary clear in political Geffrard, as was made foreign policy (which was backing other Jamaican newspapers): his ignorance of the history Can President Geffrard express the habits and disposition of his of his own country, and of of a Ruler of the Country to people? Was it wise on the part into between himself depart from a sacred compact entered office for three years? and his people, that of his holding President contrary to the Constitution, the unwise be Sccondly, the introduction of Europeans to Geffrard recommended were distinctly contrary clear in political Geffrard, as was made foreign policy (which was backing other Jamaican newspapers): his ignorance of the history Can President Geffrard express the habits and disposition of his of his own country, and of of a Ruler of the Country to people? Was it wise on the part into between himself depart from a sacred compact entered office for three years? and his people, that of his holding President contrary to the Constitution, the unwise be Sccondly, the introduction of Europeans to Geffrard recommended --- Page 256 --- 236 Democracy After Slavery place on the same footing, and to enjoy the same rights and privileges of Haitien born subject/s] These ments have rendered him totally two movesatisfied [sic) the unpopular, and nothing can people but his immediate removal. mention these facts not in the spirit of party men, but in We pathy, and with anxious desire for the symof the Island; but, we deprecate much permanent the prosperity adopted in the city of publishing improper mode concerning the affairs of Hayti, exaggerated with statements, misleading exiles whilst only a view, perhaps, of nexions there other persons having family conare misled.20 This unprecedented attack on British forcign press and, most radically, on Geffrard's policy, on the Jamaican 'on the same plan of introducing footing' as Haitian subjects, Europeans pendent black public opinion in Jamaica, represents and a thoroughly indemilieu that contributed to the indicates the ideological Morant Bay Rebellion. After the government's violent reaction to the Bay, there was a strong outbreak of the rebellion at Morant after their armed suspicion of Haitian involvement, ship was stopped in Port Antonio especially well within range of aiding the rebel forces during the rebellion, indication that this had been their intention. although there was no of the Haytian exiles to be arrested, and Governor Eyre ordered all leave the island. At the they wère soon after ordered to overthrow of a ruler in Haiti very least, they had clearly been who was considered a supporting We do not know whether the views British ally. actually Kelly Smith's, printed in The Watclunan were whether G. W. Gordon or some other writer's, nor do we know endorsed them in any appear from Bowerbank's way. However, it does Goldson, was in close contact reports that Kelly Smith, along with which with the exiled was Salomon. The regimes of both Haitian generals. one of took over after a finally successful Salnave (1867-69). who supporter Salomon, were known for their coup against Geffrard, and of his motion of 'noirs' over the mulâtre elite. populist nationalism and probeen the kinds of idcologies that These certainly would have mid-1860s, and he may have had Salomon was espousing during the black political activists. This is some influence on the Jamaican Gordon were in not to say that the circle any way Haitian around have a developed racial revolutionaries'. but that they did model; this was certainly ideology that was sympathetic to the Haitian Bowerbank and picked up on by white observers like Eyre. Espeut, The Jamaican government events in Haiti, fearing that such attempted to control information on news would inspire further bloodshed These certainly would have mid-1860s, and he may have had Salomon was espousing during the black political activists. This is some influence on the Jamaican Gordon were in not to say that the circle any way Haitian around have a developed racial revolutionaries'. but that they did model; this was certainly ideology that was sympathetic to the Haitian Bowerbank and picked up on by white observers like Eyre. Espeut, The Jamaican government events in Haiti, fearing that such attempted to control information on news would inspire further bloodshed --- Page 257 --- Conclusion: The Morant Bay Agitators a Haytian conspiracy? 237 the hysteria of suppression, the Governor sent this in Jamaica. During warning to the editor of the Tribune: the Governor having noticed in your paper of His excellency this day's date a statement purporting to be an account ofthe destruction of Her Majesty's ship Bulldog' by the Haytiens, of facts, and calculated to do which is altogether a perversion the black popuextreme injury in this colony by misleading that of their own race have lation into the supposition pcople ships of war, I been able to destroy one of Her Majesty's in tohave to request that this statement bc contradicted caution in morrow's paper... [Ylou must exercise a discreet publishing news, and not give to the public unauthorized statements such as that referred to.21 had sunk a British ship, and it was the truth of this In fact, the Haitians the suppression that the government feared, not the rumour. Following himself to the Colonial of the rebellion, Governor Eyre defended borne mind that the success Secretary by arguing that 'it must be in the French, and which attended the efforts of the Haytians against afforded of the St. Domingans against the Spanish, more recently which from the vicinity of those examples and encouragement before the peasantry of this republics to Jamaica. were constantly country" (cited in Green 1991: 390n24). Haiti and the actual role of Haitian The crucial symbolic role of because the white and coloured exiles should not be dismissed simply the notion that there its significance. By pursuing elite misinterpreted Jamaican and Haitian publics. I have diswere many linkages between noticed aspect of the Morant Bay covered a fascinating and little of Jamaican and Haitian political Rebellion: the possible intermeshing Memories of the Haitian activists and black oppositional idcologies. African frecdom. News of revolution offered a compelling vision of exiles in Jamaica served as Haiti and the direct example of Haitian European Haitian successes against models of black independence. military. Direct suggested the strength of an Afro-Caribbean of powers affairs of Haiti enabled the claboration involvement in the political political culture. It is hard to say in Caribbean-centric an autonomous democracy would have gone had Gordon what direction Jamaican not been abolished, had black lived, had the House of Assembly publics not been suppressed. missionaries, merchants and In 1870, a coalition of Jamaican the Queen's Newsman, A landowners founded a monthly newspaper, Circulation among the Newspaper, Specially Designed for Monthly at 'the Jamaica. This paper was a patronizing attempt Peasantry of involvement in the political political culture. It is hard to say in Caribbean-centric an autonomous democracy would have gone had Gordon what direction Jamaican not been abolished, had black lived, had the House of Assembly publics not been suppressed. missionaries, merchants and In 1870, a coalition of Jamaican the Queen's Newsman, A landowners founded a monthly newspaper, Circulation among the Newspaper, Specially Designed for Monthly at 'the Jamaica. This paper was a patronizing attempt Peasantry of --- Page 258 --- 238 Democracy After Slavery enlightenment and instruction of the Labourers on our mechanics and artizans who are employed in Estates the the small settlers, penkeepers and our country workshops of the Country and on provision growers in the interior our Mountain slopes', including the population of"Coolies' from British India. News growing issue professed to be written 'in a summaries in the first by the most illiterate ofthe style SO simple as to be understood It provides a remarkable people', and among these was one on Haiti. popular public example of a clumsy attempt at opinion from above, as if speaking to children: shaping In this island of Hayti (which is not more than two from Jamaica) the people have been days' sail and quarreling and killing one another, in a very dreadful for fighting, months past; but now they are way, many this wickedness, and the beginning to feel wearied of business and mischievous effects of neglecting provision grounds to fight about They are in great want of money, politics. trust them, just because just now, and very few will they are not a steady and people. What a blessed thing it is to live in a industrious Jamaica, where all is peaceful, and the country like casily misled, and disposed to follow such peasantry not SO Hayti they have very few Missionaries evil courses. In the people. How to instruct and advise in Jamaica, for the grateful we should feel to the Missionaries good counsel they give us. 22 If anything, this 'little narrative' Moïse called the 'Piquettiste wave' apparently a reference to what of 1868 gulf between elite publics and popular demonstrates the great seemed to move in diametrically political opinion, which at times works of understanding. Those opposed and mutually exclusive netthe suppression of networks did not die out, however, with popular publics and It is not without significance democracy in Jamaica. moved a resolution to that a man named Marcus give thanks to British Garvey Ann's Bay Underhill Meeting, chaired philanthropists at the Saint Mosiah Garvey, famed founder by G. W. Gordon. 23 Marcus of the Universal Association, was born in the parish of St. Ann Negro Improvement named Marcus, is surely the man who in 1887. His father, also in 1865 (cf. Wilmot 1994). attended this Underhill Meeting by Amy Jacques Family histories of Pa Garvey', Maroons, Garvey, recount that he was preserved was a stonemason by trade and at descended from he had a collection of books, home had a room where called "the village lawyer", because magazines, and newspapers. He was the townfolk. Pa he was well informed and advised Garvey went to funerals or was well marked, as he studied it big rallies, but his Bible SO as to argue about the Scriptures' cf. Wilmot 1994). attended this Underhill Meeting by Amy Jacques Family histories of Pa Garvey', Maroons, Garvey, recount that he was preserved was a stonemason by trade and at descended from he had a collection of books, home had a room where called "the village lawyer", because magazines, and newspapers. He was the townfolk. Pa he was well informed and advised Garvey went to funerals or was well marked, as he studied it big rallies, but his Bible SO as to argue about the Scriptures' --- Page 259 --- Conclusion: The Morant Bay Agitators a Haytian conspiracy? 239 1974: 29-30). He was also a Freemason, accord- (Clarke and Garvey influence on his eleventh child, his ing to Wilmot, and clearly had an namesake, who went on to lead his people. also recounted by The family held on to stories of Paul Bogle, brooded over Garvey. She remembered how Pa Garvey Amy Jacques of Bogle, but the oral history is telescopically the Maroon betrayal of slave rebellions: condensed into older stories of Maroon betrayals the brave rebel 'In the 1665 slave rebellion [sic] the Maroons decoyed authorities; Paul and captured him for the English leader Bogle brooded SO much as he looked back perhaps that was why Pa Garvey and Garvey 1974: 30). This story, on the history of his people' (Clarke when Pa Garvey was still which dates from the early twentieth century of the Morant Bay to another Maroon account alive, can be compared Martha Warren Beckwith in Rebellion, recorded by the ethnographer of this event from an Accompong 1929. She recounts a lively account Maroon': Garden [i.e. Gordon] were in St. Thomas in 'Pa Bogle and black man. He refused to pay the the east. Pa Bogle was a to him and he cut out his people and the minister went to talk the So the parson sent to the governor and governor tongue. whether Queen Mary or Queen sent to Missus Queen and they sent for the Maroons. Victoria I don't remember the letter. Moore Town The Accompong Maroons didn't get harsh, especially Maroons got it. Moore Town Maroons, they baddest of all. First one named Old Brisco that was the through him! killed Bogle shoved the bayonet right they After that they killed out the whole disKilled Garden too. old woman and a ram goat trict leave nothing, but one rooster cock!' (Beckwith 1969: 185-86). and one over the event, but there In this account, not only is there no brooding relationship with the Queen, of in the Maroon's treaty is a sense pride The Garvey family clearly took a difand their fierce warrior tradition. nature of the Maroon ferent view, and recognized the problematic Marcus Garvey, both the "betrayal' of their race (cf. Campbell 1988). meanings of struggled with the conflicting older and the younger, descent and being British. being black, being of African noted that when young Marcus was Amy Jacques Garvey also stories in the back room of his godfather's trained as a printer, he heard plantation stories and slave rebelbook shop 'about the old slave days, Tacky, Sharp, Quaco and lions. He admired leaders such as Cudjoe, Gut warning his people: Bogle, who came down from Stony (Clarke and Garvey colour and cleave to the blacks" "Remember your struggled with the conflicting older and the younger, descent and being British. being black, being of African noted that when young Marcus was Amy Jacques Garvey also stories in the back room of his godfather's trained as a printer, he heard plantation stories and slave rebelbook shop 'about the old slave days, Tacky, Sharp, Quaco and lions. He admired leaders such as Cudjoe, Gut warning his people: Bogle, who came down from Stony (Clarke and Garvey colour and cleave to the blacks" "Remember your --- Page 260 --- 240 Democracy Afier Slavery a direct link to the days of Bogle, but 1974: 32). His father was not only suggests) a parfrom Gordon's newspaper also (as one small fragment and someone who kept alive the ticipant in the Underhill Movement Marcus lawyers' even after government repression. network of "village of working as a printer and inspired by Mosiah Garvey, with experience like Robert Love. was a his father and by black newspaper publishers Underhill Movement, with direct inheritor ofthe subaltern public ofthe too suffered the pariah intelligentsia' . He its radical networks among and ideas. Just as Mallon has harassment for his activities government alternative visions were 'repressed found in Mexico and Peru, popular They and militarily, [but theyl were never exterminated. during politically culture, emerging time and again remained part of local political fluctuation' (Mallon 1995: 141). periods of unrest and political of democracy after slavery, In considering the long-term prospects inheritances and cultural it is crucial that one focus not on colonial claimants and backgrounds. but on the interactions between popular and colonial state offered more opportunities states. If the British learned more about it nevertheless means for public claim-making, than it ever taught them, for demodemocracy from Afro-Jamaicans processes. not elite tutecratization occurs through collective learning and contention highlights lage. Focusing on political communication within societies that are the deep history of democratization processes democracies' only with the aid often thought to have become modern practices of States imperialism. The democratic of British or United colonies. for example. have often bcen the former British West Indian Westminster system' and their attributed to their inheritance of the 1993; Maingot 'tutelage' under British leadership (Payne peaceful in Hispanic regions has often been 1996). The arrival of democracy States military intervention. as understood as an achievement of United What is missing has been understood in Haiti recently. it similarly is the crucial link between popular contention from such accounts possible in the in making democracy and political participation post-slavery era. democratic institulacked well-functioning If the Haitian republic for claim-making, this tions, protection of citizens and means public incapable of, or socially unpredoes not imply that it was culturally colonial Jamaica (not the Nor was pared for, democratic governance. barren of democratic practices. The most democratic place) a colony was far objective of this book is to demonstrate that peasant agency been Jamaica than has previously more extensive in post-emancipation were not shown, and that popular movements for democratization both cases, there in the history of Haiti. In without significant impact democratic reforms by extending were serious attempts to implement tions, protection of citizens and means public incapable of, or socially unpredoes not imply that it was culturally colonial Jamaica (not the Nor was pared for, democratic governance. barren of democratic practices. The most democratic place) a colony was far objective of this book is to demonstrate that peasant agency been Jamaica than has previously more extensive in post-emancipation were not shown, and that popular movements for democratization both cases, there in the history of Haiti. In without significant impact democratic reforms by extending were serious attempts to implement --- Page 261 --- Conclusion: The Morant Bay Agitators a Haytian conspiracy? in electoral politics, and encouraging wider participation the franchise. but these efforts were blocked by protecting black rights and freedoms, armies. It was in part the failure small ruling clites who controlled big from their more clements of the elite to break of the liberal bourgeois to the radicalization of authoritarian agrarian rivals that contributed said that were In neither case could it be peasants peasant politics. ideologies; in fact, in some instances they were unaware of democratic seen as the legacy of willing to fight and die for democratization. African slaves in the Haitian freedom won for the descendants of revolution. democracy, however, the radical Beyond liberal representative included cooperative land ownership, Caribbean vision of democracy and demands for wider associational modes of economic organization decision-making. by all classes in government influential participation that subaltern groups do not bargain It is also important to remember also scek to publicly for resources or inclusion in the polity; they and soluonly collective identities, stories oftheir history assert their own In other words, beyond the individtions to the problems they identify. democracy involves a collective ualism of liberal democracy, peasant Haiti and Jamaica, collective idensubject and collective aims. In both of the nation to encompass a tities extended beyond the confines links between these sister transnational African diaspora, including important links islands of the Greater Antilles, as well as symbolically to Africa. real democratization produced Elite reluctance to implement Haiti in 1844 and in Jamaica in 1865, similar peasant rebellions in and political conditions. Both despite their differing starting points mixed economies of declining big rebellions occurred in regions with 2 and expanding smallholdplantations, owned by whites or 'mulattoes," liberal reform emerged out of elite-led ing by blacks. Both movements could not carry through with democratmovements, which in the end leaders, Gordon and also both involved oppositional ization. They the black masses, but again were surpassed by Salomon, who spoke for control. Both movements were mobilizations beyond their and Acaau, peasant native' religious leaders, Bogle headed by charismatic in the local community. Both with some education and prominence of fighting for the rights of the involved a mixed class/colour ideology reacted to by elites in terms of a descendants of slavery. Both were impact on the subsequent re- 'war of the races' and both had a major as far as I know, have any organization of government. Nowhere, previously been noted. oft these parallels differences between the two events, There are also some major of and the kind of state that above all in relation to the balance power native' religious leaders, Bogle headed by charismatic in the local community. Both with some education and prominence of fighting for the rights of the involved a mixed class/colour ideology reacted to by elites in terms of a descendants of slavery. Both were impact on the subsequent re- 'war of the races' and both had a major as far as I know, have any organization of government. Nowhere, previously been noted. oft these parallels differences between the two events, There are also some major of and the kind of state that above all in relation to the balance power --- Page 262 --- 242 Democracy Afier Slavery the rebels faced. In Haiti, the radical democratic among peasants had its origins in the republican political ideology the post-independence land revolutionary tradition, distributions, the izenship and the inspiring obligations of military citBlack Republic* in the international anti-slavery and anti-colonial stance of the democratic ideologies arena. While it is easier to to the literate trace lished newspapers and books, made oppositional networks who pubChamber and claimed to stand for black passionate arguments in the there was also wider popular equality of rights, I argue that who support for democratization. The participated in the movement led by the Salomons peasants broadening of representative supported a in the Piquet Movement democracy to include blacks, while those seem to have supported an even programme of democratization backed more radical social change. Because Haiti by land reform and substantive ation, with a fractured was in the midst of a situstate and a serious threat of revolutionary insurgency and civil war, the nation-wide popular tion, and were able to influence Piquets the were in a relatively strong posidemobilized, though, their selection of a black president. Once elites, whether black leader was arrested (because or brown, feared his radical landowning tion), their demands for democratization aims of land distribumilitary authoritarianism closed the were ignored and a shift to In Jamaica, the evidence of democratic window of opportunity. black a democratic political peasants is even stronger because culture among channels through which to they had SO many more reaching both the express their claims. and leaders at government and wider adept opment of the distinctive networks publics. By tracing the develand publics in Jamaica from the symbolic discourses of black Rebellion, I have emancipation period up to the Morant highlighted an Bay political culture which broke increasingly autonomous peasant developed its own political away from the missionary churches and making. Despite repeated language, ideology and modes of claimratic genres of political attempts by this black public to use democand enfranchisement. communication to initiate a debate over reform claims and government officials repeatedly grievances. This ignored its a direct attack on the popular government leader stone-walling, combined with miscarriage of justice in St. Thomas in the George William Gordon, the grievances about wages and land, East, and long-standing local from Stony Gut to resort to violence. provoked one group of small settlers stration or riotous bargaining What may have begun as demonended in Unlike the Piquets, however, outright rebellion. extremely weak the Morant Bay rebels were position and up against a in an with the extensive capacity for quickly unified government grasp. Governor Eyre used this repression within a British Governor's opportunity to unleash an extreme form arriage of justice in St. Thomas in the George William Gordon, the grievances about wages and land, East, and long-standing local from Stony Gut to resort to violence. provoked one group of small settlers stration or riotous bargaining What may have begun as demonended in Unlike the Piquets, however, outright rebellion. extremely weak the Morant Bay rebels were position and up against a in an with the extensive capacity for quickly unified government grasp. Governor Eyre used this repression within a British Governor's opportunity to unleash an extreme form --- Page 263 --- Conclusion: The Moraut Bay Agitators a Haytiau conspiracy? 243 the entire of the region, amounting to state of martial law on populace other people not involved terrorism: not only the rebels, but also many communities were in the rebellion were hunted down and killed: entire were and burned; and the political allies of the peasantry decimated executed. This reaction not only quelled arrested and in many cases and suppressed the popular political expression. broke up organizations abolition of the House of opposition press, but it also led to the thereby ending a long tradition of elected representative Assembly, and erasing any possibility for black government in Jamaica, quickly controversy' that resulted from political influence. The 'Governor Eyre Rebellion marked a turning the brutal repression of the Morant Bay towards its colonial subjects point in the hardening of British attitudes to the more explicit (Semmel 1963; C. Hall 1992). It also contributed that would also be elaboration of the notion of tutelary democracy retard the in other parts of the British Empire to implementa- tool applied Thus. the very analytical tion of full rights for colonial subjects. in the Caribbean that has been used to explain lack of democratization that produced that lack is in part a product of the process of repression self-image of civilized superiin the first place. În SO far as the British and 'natives' rested on their role of emancipating slaves teaching ority any form of peasant political agency was the culture of democracy, that in Haiti could only lead to savanathema. Self-liberation such as in this view, given the absence of white tutelage. the first agery, for democracy from before day Former slaves were ready for them. To ignore three but democracy was not ready of emancipation, Jamaican freed men and contention by decades of political organization this silencing of black publics: and women would only be to compound would be to ignore apathy to the Haitian peasantry to attribute political lived. Peasant political activists the constraints under which they and publicity proties to anti-slavery organizations with far-reaching America, as well as to regional African-American jects in Europe and networks posed a significant threat and African-Caribbean political elite governance and to the models of paternalistic both to European that in the Caribbean. In state developed new kind of post-plantation similar ideologies have been referred to other Latin American contexts, Gudmundson, and liberalism' (Mallon 1995; Roseberry. as 'popular cultures' have been recogKutschback 1995), and similar *oppositional uprisings of peons and nized as the precursors to rwentieth-century in full-blown revolutionary tenants, culminating in some instances anomaly, but is the first 'coffee movements. Haiti is not an historical turned *the state into a machine that republic' in which competing elites which was becoming more difficult would suck off the peasant surplus, the (Trouillot 1992: of plantations' to obtain through mere ownership 1995; Roseberry. as 'popular cultures' have been recogKutschback 1995), and similar *oppositional uprisings of peons and nized as the precursors to rwentieth-century in full-blown revolutionary tenants, culminating in some instances anomaly, but is the first 'coffee movements. Haiti is not an historical turned *the state into a machine that republic' in which competing elites which was becoming more difficult would suck off the peasant surplus, the (Trouillot 1992: of plantations' to obtain through mere ownership --- Page 264 --- 244 Democracy After Slavery 163). In the struggle of 'state against nation', black publics and the oppositional s as Trouillot (1990) calls it, appearing middleground. views they represented were the disComparative analysis of these political is leading towards a far more complete configurations gradually of peasant political mobilization, understanding of the parameters and an strengths and its limitations. The time is appreciation of both its peasant politics between the surely ripe for comparisons of other post-plantation Caribbean, Central America, Africa and regions of the world. The particular de-democratization that occurred in Haiti and process of the Caribbean, but appears also to have Jamaica is not unique to states' in Latin America where occurred in other 'liberal independent development occurred (cf. Roseberry, Gudmundson post-plantation peasant 1995). With the demise of the plantation and Kutschback an independent peasantry in those system and the emergence of regions amenable to the Caribbean and Central American oriented farming expansion of small-scale commercially- (particularly of state cmerged. Paige has picked coffee-growing), a post-plantation' type tion by social revolution from up on the process of democratizaof these states in the Central below in the lateagro-industrial period publics and peasant rebellion American in context. This study of black earlier genealogy of the Haiti and Jamaica contributes to an Caribbean. emergence of peasant radicalism in the Although Jamaica remained a too was vulnerable to some of the colony, controlled from London, it radicalization because of its same tendencies of peasant political Assembly, its declining plantation relatively autonomous House of pendent peasantry. Even here system and its self-sustaining indethe 'tutelage' that the British where an emerging bourgeoisie had all and rational merits of liberal Empire could provide On the enlightened commodity export cconomy democracy, dependent development of a agrarian authoritarianism pushed it back into the ideological arms of whenever democracy threatened Having moved beyond the notion of to break out. Jamaica and peasant apathy in Haiti, tutelary democracy in Caribbean cases fit into the We can begin to see how these post-plantation bigger picture of political democratic states. In both Haiti and contention in expansion in the breadth of citizenship Jamaica, the rapid was gradually counteracted entailed by slave by a restriction in the emancipation ship, a lessening of binding consultation equality of citizenexposure of some citizens to with citizens and a selective familiar to students of the arbitrary violence. This pattern should be ing of the backwards postbellum U.S. South. A fuller understandment might steps taken along the democratic help us to better theorize both the path of developlimitations of existing democratic states. In both Haiti and contention in expansion in the breadth of citizenship Jamaica, the rapid was gradually counteracted entailed by slave by a restriction in the emancipation ship, a lessening of binding consultation equality of citizenexposure of some citizens to with citizens and a selective familiar to students of the arbitrary violence. This pattern should be ing of the backwards postbellum U.S. South. A fuller understandment might steps taken along the democratic help us to better theorize both the path of developlimitations of existing --- Page 265 --- a Haytian conspiracy? 245 Conclusion: The Morant Bay Agitators democracies, and the chances for democratization actually liberal democratized states, including Haiti. At the same time, lasting in newly of democratization we can also begin to see that there were processes of the Americas, as occurring at the sub-national level in many regions Womack 1969): several scholars have found in Mexico (Mallon 1995; at the level of the level of the work-unit, at the level of the village, at whole regions. Just as capitalist developthe municipality or affecting development. Besides national ment is uneven, SO to is democratic look at regional actors, actors and national constitutions, we must example, cf. practices and regional publics (for a European regional Somers 1993). also suggests that a wider history of the International comparison is experience of Caribbean somirpooemhemmedladien political movement for the rights of free pcople of badly needed. From the world of colour in Jamaica in the 1820s to the underground political Haitian and of some Kingston in 1865. the apparent convergence should warn us against Jamaican political projects and identities Caribbean peasants were assuming that highly-mobile and multilingual thought. With a constant flow isolated from wider currents of political and inter-island travel, of exiles and newspapers, visitors from Europe worlds and concrete ties there was far more overlap in the conceptual been recognized. Long of Haitians and Jamaicans than has previously transnational identities, before the current fashion for studying 'new' intertwined and interand histories of 'national' entities the peoples fascinating story awaits telling in the acted with each other. Another black publics in the United connections between Haiti and oppositional or the story of simiStates, both before and after slave emancipation; of Oriente in Cuba. ties between Haiti and the province Paul larly important of oppositional publics, from Also relevant are the continuities from Jean-Jacques Acaau to Bogle to Marcus Garvey and Bob Marley, Finally, we must ask the current leaders ofHaiti's peasant movements. and peasant women conabout how working-class more questions in countries where they were (and tributed to these popular movements It still remains to explain how still are) the majority of the population. with racial and class inequalisystems of sexual domination, overlaid participation, yet also inadties, constrained black women's political publicity in post-slavery enabled their access to subversive vertently societies. studies: to This is the crucial challenge for post-emancipation contributed to the prounderstand how slaves and their descendants states that reshaped the ninetenth-century cesses of democratization If Afro-Caribbean resistance involved in slavery and the slave-trade. of the claimed democratic revealed the limitations from the beginning majority of the population. with racial and class inequalisystems of sexual domination, overlaid participation, yet also inadties, constrained black women's political publicity in post-slavery enabled their access to subversive vertently societies. studies: to This is the crucial challenge for post-emancipation contributed to the prounderstand how slaves and their descendants states that reshaped the ninetenth-century cesses of democratization If Afro-Caribbean resistance involved in slavery and the slave-trade. of the claimed democratic revealed the limitations from the beginning --- Page 266 --- 246 Democracy After Slavery ideals of liberty, equality and- freedom for benefited from their efforts to all, then all of us have unmask bestowed by Europe on its colonial domination. Democracy was not in the modern West by the periphery, but was bestowed to us to liberate themselves struggles of colonized and enslaved and to change the world in peoples Realizing this requires us to elaborate which they lived. centred on the Caribbean a new Atlantic history, a core, history freed people (including emphasizing the agency of slaves and women), and limitations of modern highlighting their critique of the ward' democracy. This book, then, is not people on small islands in a about "backthe meeting of seemingly forgotten place and time; it is about immovable tible human agency in structures with forces ofirresismodern world places far more central to the than their contemporary making of the marginalization would suggest. Notes 1 The Sentinel, 27 Apr. 1865, letter from 2 CO 137/367, Lt. Gov. Eyre to Duke George W. Gordon. 3 PRO 30/48/44, Evidence of Louis of Newcastle, no. 49, 23 July 1862. 4 Papers 1866b, Part 1, Cardwell Q. Bowerbank. Cardwell, Dec. 1865, 253. to Eyre, 16 Dec. 1865, encl. Edenborough to Reprinted in the Colonial Standard, 26 Oct. 6 CO 137/395, Eyre to Cardwell, 23 1865. Williams. Nov. 1865, encl. Statement of 7 CO 137/394, Bacchus 8 Jamaica Eyre to Cardwell, 7 Nov. 1865, encl. of Papers, no. 3, Statement of Report John CO 137/394, the Committee, 27 Parry. Eyre to Cardwell, 71 Nov. July 1866. 10 The Colonial Standard, 9 Aug. 1865. 1865, encl. Jackson to Eyre (n.d.). 11 PRO 30/48/44, Evidence of Louis 12 Jamaica Watchman and Q. Bowerbank. 13 Papers 1866b, Part 1, People 's Free Press, 21 Aug. 1865. 14 Papers 1866b, Part 1, Eyre to Cardwell, 23 Nov. 1866, encl. 10. 15 CO 137/394, Eyre to Cardwell, 23 Nov. 1866, encl. 16 PRO Eyre to Cardwell, 8. Nov. 1865. 11. 17 CO 137/394, 30/48/44, Evidence of Louis Q. Bowerbank. 18 Papers Eyre to Cardwell, 8 Nov. 1865. 1866b, Part 1, Eyre to Cardwell, 20 Eyre, 19 Oct. 1865. Oct. 1865, encl. 38, 19 Jamaica Watchman Westmoreland to 20 Jamaica and People's Free Press, 7 Aug. 1865. 21 Papers, 1866b, Watchman and People 's Free Press, 21 Aug. Part 1, Eyre to Cardwell, no. 22, 7 1865. Secretary to the Editor of the Nov. 1865, encl. 18, 22 Queen's Newsman, Vol. Tribune. 30 Oct. 1865, 113. Governor's 23 Jamaica 1, no. 1, 2July 1870. the Public Watchnan and People's Free Press, [281 Meeting at Saint Ann's Bay, 29. July 1865 Aug. 1865, Resolutions from (G. W. Gordon, Chair). 1, Eyre to Cardwell, no. 22, 7 1865. Secretary to the Editor of the Nov. 1865, encl. 18, 22 Queen's Newsman, Vol. Tribune. 30 Oct. 1865, 113. Governor's 23 Jamaica 1, no. 1, 2July 1870. the Public Watchnan and People's Free Press, [281 Meeting at Saint Ann's Bay, 29. July 1865 Aug. 1865, Resolutions from (G. W. Gordon, Chair). --- Page 267 --- Bibliography Manuscript sources Jamaica National Library of Jamaica, Kingston. MS 74. Morant Bay Rebellion: Contemporary Newspaper Cuttings. MS 106. 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"Where do for the Social Sciences. at Columbia Languages Come From?, 1 Prt I and II. Center Williams, Eric. 1944. Capitalism and University, Pre-print Series. Carolina Press. Slavery. Chapel Hill: University of North Wilmot, Swithin. (1977] 1984. "Political Emancipation Period, D. Development in Jamaica in the Post1986. 1838-1854. Phil thesis, Oxford "Emancipation in Action: Workers and University. 1838-1840'.. Janaica. Journal, 19: 55-62. Wage Conflict in Jamaica, 1994. "The Growth of Political Activity in Garvey: His Work and Impact, ed. Post-Emancipation Jamaica. In (Trenton, NJ: Africa World Press). Rupert Lewis and Patrick Bryan, 39-36. -. 1995. "Females of Abandoned Character"? 1838-65. In Engendering History: Women and Protest in Jamaica, Perspective, ed. Shepherd et al., cit., Caribbean Women in Historical Wilson, Peter J. 1973. Crab Antics: op. The pp. 279-295. Negro Societies in the Caribbean. New SocialAnthmopology of English-Speaking Womack, John. 1969. Zapata and the Haven: Yale University Press. Mexican Revolution. New York: Knopf. 39-36. -. 1995. "Females of Abandoned Character"? 1838-65. In Engendering History: Women and Protest in Jamaica, Perspective, ed. Shepherd et al., cit., Caribbean Women in Historical Wilson, Peter J. 1973. Crab Antics: op. The pp. 279-295. Negro Societies in the Caribbean. New SocialAnthmopology of English-Speaking Womack, John. 1969. Zapata and the Haven: Yale University Press. Mexican Revolution. New York: Knopf. --- Page 284 --- Index Numbers in bold indicate Tables; those in italics indicate Figures. abolition of slavery Barbados 39,52, 176 in the colonies 57 Barrett 204 garden explanations 24-9 Barrett, Edward 156. 167 oilfield explanation 20-24 Bird, Mark 85, 104, 121, 124, 125, 134 preliminary comparative model Blackhurst, James 119-20 33-40 Bogle, Paul 41, 191,198. 202, towards a multi-causal explanation 221,222, 239-41,245 217, 29-33 Bolivar, Simôn 76 types of 37 Bonneau, Alexandre 84 abolitionist movements 20, 146 Borgella, General 123, 125 Acaau, Jean-Jacques 41, 112, 135-6, Boukman, Dutty 52 137. 139, 241,245 Bourbons 114 Act for the Recovery of Tenements Bowerbank, Custos 233-4.236 (Jamaica] 54 Boyer, President Jean-Pierre Admiralty, British 130, 131 58, 74-6, 78, 79, 35,48.56, Africa 8, 23,31, 65, 158-9, 166-7, 111-17, 96-9, 101, 104-5, 241,244 119-29,131 Brazil 3,2 22,36, 40.48 Age ofthe Democratic Revolution 20 Bright. John 219 Andain (supporter of Salnavc) 230 Britain Anderson, William 143, 198-9 abolition movement 146 Anti-Slavery Society 75, 76 abolition ofthe slave trade Aponte conspiracy (1812) 81 21.35 (1807) Ardouin, Beaubrun 101, 102, 114-17, abolition of slavery 121, 122, 127, 135, 138 Christian (1834) 78, 147 Aristide, Jean-Bertrand 2 Socialism 162 Army of Sufferers 111,1 135 colonial slavery as an economic Aux Cayes, Haiti 112,121-3, 125, House system of Commons 21 128-30, 134, 135, 137.229 imperialism 240 Azua, Haiti 133 liberalism 21 Baptist Western Union 182 'model' democracy 9 Baptists Nonconformist Dissent 20 Baptist Mission to Africa 80, 158 pro-Geffrard Reform Act foreign policy 230 Baptist Missionary Socicty 150, 164, British Abolition (1830) 37 188-9 Society 74 British and Forcign Anti-Slavery churches/chapels, Jamaica 149-52, Society 155, 157-9, 167, 168, 176, 182, British Empire 219,243 British Guiana 55, 157 ministers 194 Brougham, Lord 116, 150, 219 misions/misionarics 153, 154. 230 Baptist Missionary Socicty 150, 164, British Abolition (1830) 37 188-9 Society 74 British and Forcign Anti-Slavery churches/chapels, Jamaica 149-52, Society 155, 157-9, 167, 168, 176, 182, British Empire 219,243 British Guiana 55, 157 ministers 194 Brougham, Lord 116, 150, 219 misions/misionarics 153, 154. 158, Brown,John 84 164, 167, 168, 177, 184, 190, 213 Brown, Jonathan 99, 100, 105 --- Page 285 --- Index 265 'Buckra law' 177, 178 Dalzon 133, 134, 135 Burchell, Rev. Thomas 150-51 Darfour, Felix 113-14, 115 Burton, Joseph 192,230 Darling. Governor 186, 188, 218 Cap Français Daumier, Honoré 83,84 (Cap-Henry, Cap Haîtien, Delaney, Martin 82 Cap Républicain) 57, 103, 138, Dendy, Rev. Walter 149, 234, 235 155, 194 Cardenas, slave Desmoulines. Colonel 134 uprising (1843) 81 Dessalines, Jean Jacques, Cardwell, Edward 189, 192, 194, 216 53, 129 Emperor 52, Carlyle, Thomas 83-4 Dominican Republic Castel père 130 35,53,56, 59, 91, Central America 8, 72, 76, 174, 244 War 111, ofI 133-4 Charles I, King 227 War of Independence Restoration Chartism 109 (1863-65) 84 Chateaublond Dumesle, Hérard 115, 116, 117, 133 plantation, Haiti 94 Dyer, Rev. John 150 Christophe, Henry (President, 1806-11, King, 1811-20) 57, 93, 96, 104 Edenborough, H. B. 229 Church Missionary Society 164 El Salvador 10 Clarke, Rev. Henry 209 England see Britain Clarke, Mary 180 Enlightenment 10, 19,20 Clarke, Samuel 213,230-31 Episcopal Church 82 Clarkson, Thomas 20 Escoffery, John 75 Claude,J Jean 136 Espeut, P.A. 219-20, 221 Colonial Office 9,55,81,175, 177, Estates General 57 189-91,210, 216, 218, 221,228 Ethiopia 167 "Coolies' 209, 238 European revolutions (1848) 37 Costa Rica 10 Eyre, Governor 35, 189-90, 192-5, Courtois, J. 115 203, 206, 207, Creoles 23,31,65 209-11,216, 218-21, 228, 229, 231, 234-7, 242-3 language 14, 131, 132, 185 creolization 30-31 Falmouth Auxiliary Cuba Anti-Slavery Society abolition of slavery (1886) 23,36, Fisheries Bill (Jamaica) 54 Fletcher, Rev. Duncan 217-18 Aponte conspiracy (1812) 81 Fletcher petitions (1859) 209,219 apprenticeship system 37 Fort Ça-Ira, Haiti 125 caudillismo 91 Fourier, Charles 119, 206 Conspiracy ofLa Escalera 81 France Guerra Chiquita (1879) 34,36,85 abolition of slavery 22 Independence War (1868-78) 24,34, colonies 40 36, 37, 84, 159 Declaration ofthe Rights of Man 42 Independence War (1895-98) 34,36. 209,219 apprenticeship system 37 Fort Ça-Ira, Haiti 125 caudillismo 91 Fourier, Charles 119, 206 Conspiracy ofLa Escalera 81 France Guerra Chiquita (1879) 34,36,85 abolition of slavery 22 Independence War (1868-78) 24,34, colonies 40 36, 37, 84, 159 Declaration ofthe Rights of Man 42 Independence War (1895-98) 34,36. and the Dominican rebels 134 37,84 elite Haitians in 109 massacre of Partido Independiente de favours military reconquest of Haiti Color (1912) 34,36 the military 40 indemnity treaty with Boyer (1825) Moret Law (1870) 24,34,36 114, 115 the patronato system (1880-86) 34, July Revolution (1830) 37, 114 36, 37 'model' democracy 8 persecution of sugar plantation recognizes Haiti's-independence 56 workers 36-7 socialism 162 sugar boom 22 Franco-Haitian treaty (1837) 74 the United Negro Improvement Franklin, James 47, 96-7 Association 37 freemasonry 58-9, 106, 239 United States occupations (1898 and French Antilles 52 1906) 36 French Revolution 8, 22,26,35,37.47, Cyprien. Augustin 137 57,75 --- Page 286 --- 266 Index Friendly Societies 157 land nationalized 53 Fugitive Slavc Law (1850) 82 Legislative Assembly 133 Fyle, Alexander 162 thc military 38. 39,53, 98-100. 132-4 Garnet, Henry Highland 82 National Assembly 115-17,127, Garvey, Amy Jacques 238. 239 Garvey, Marcus,, père 238-9, 240 National Guard 100, 126 Garvey, Marcus Mosiah 238, 239, 240, national seal 99 newspapers 59, 60 Garveyism 37,80 Parti National 229 Geffrard, President Fabré-Nicolas 84, peasant civil agency 91, 103-9, 104, 137, 138. 228-30. 233, 235-6 pcasant economic agency 91,92-7. Geoghagan, Isabella and James 202 Glenelg, Lord 149-50 peasant political agency 91,97-103. Goldson, EmanuelJoseph 216,223, 233-4. 236 post-emancipation political pressures Gordon, George William 186. 190-92. 194, 200, 201, 213-23, 227,229-31, Spanish-America republics decline to 233,234. 236, 238. 239, 241,242 recognize 76 "Gordon-Haytian' doctrine 223,227. struggle for black rights 40 sugar-growing regions (1790) 45 Grand Anse, Haiti 123, 128 a symbol of freedom and African Grandchamp, Edouard 129 progress 77 Grant, William 220 Vodou 85. 94,95. 105-6 Greater Antilles 241 see also Haitian Revolution: Haitian Greece, ancient 26 Warof Independence; Liberal Grey, Governor 177 Movement; Piquet Rebellion Guerrier, General Philippe 133, 134, Haitian independence (1804) 5,48.52. 56.57.71 Guiana 62 Afro-Caribbean reaction 77-80 Guyana 167 diplomatic reaction 73-7 the export of black revolution? Haiti (previously Saint Domingue) 80-86 anti-slavery and anti-colonial stance Haitian Licensing Law (1819-21) 48, 26 Warof Independence; Liberal Grey, Governor 177 Movement; Piquet Rebellion Guerrier, General Philippe 133, 134, Haitian independence (1804) 5,48.52. 56.57.71 Guiana 62 Afro-Caribbean reaction 77-80 Guyana 167 diplomatic reaction 73-7 the export of black revolution? Haiti (previously Saint Domingue) 80-86 anti-slavery and anti-colonial stance Haitian Licensing Law (1819-21) 48, black mobilization (1843) 128-35 Haitian Revolution 34.35.37.42.43. British Emancipation Day 78 56. 57. 75.85, 92, 109. 111, 154, British remove tradc restrictions 159. 227, 237,241 (1843) 79 Haitian War of Independence Chamber of Deputies 53. 98. 100. (1791-1804) 34.35.47.93.94 112, 114 Halfway Tree, Kingston 151 Chamber of Representatives 121 Hardy, Thomas (shoemaker) 213 Chambre des Communes 113 Hartwell.James 95. 99-100. 124-5 Code Rural (1826) 96. 97 Harvey, Thomas 148 colour terminology 12 "Haytian Fear" 71.72. 73,75. 79. 81, Constitution (1843) 104, 128, 131, 83, 85 132-3, 135. 235 Henderson, Rev. 194 Councils of Notables 48 Hérard, President Charles 122-3, creation of the state 38 125-6, 128, 130, 132-3, 134,137, education 103-5, 118. 119. 162 ends slavery through revolution 5, Hertelou (assistant editor) 117 33,35.37 Heslop. Alexander 190. 206 first constitution (1805) 52-3,73 Hewitt, Rev. 194 freemasonry 58-9, 106 Hill, Richard 74,85.94-5 independence see Haitian Hispanic Caribbean 91 independence Holland, Edward 166 --- Page 287 --- Index 267 Holly, Rev. James T. 82 slave statistics 42 Holt, Rev. Samuel 189 Humble, John 50 strong peasant development 5 struggle for black rights 40 "Town India 23, 158 Party' 55, 176-7 Indian Mutiny 227 the transformation of black publics Inginac.fils 115 (1838-65) 182-8 Inginac, General 115,116. 127 voluntary associations and societies Isambert 116 "Westminster system' 43 Jackson, Emily 181-2 women's S political role 28-9 Jackson. Major General Forbes 231 see also Morant Bay Rebellion; Jackson, T. Witter 209 Jamaica Underhill Movement Jacobins 9 Education Society 164 Jamaica Jamaica Royal Commission 198,201, and Africa 166-7 203, 222, 230 "amelioration' Jérémie 122, 123, 128, 134, 137 programs 35 Johnson, Rev. Robert A. 186 attendance at public meetings Jordon, Edward 77, 78 (1859-65) 214, 215 Joseph, Françoise 234-5 colonial "apprenticeship' (1834-38) Joseph, Frère 136 34, 35,37,42. 54, 78. 147-53 Juntas Protectadoras de Libertados colour terminology 12 "Country Party' 176 Kansas-Nebraska Act (1854) 82 Crown Colony rule 34.36.38, Kelly Smith, William 216, 223, 233-4, Edward 77, 78 (1859-65) 214, 215 Joseph, Françoise 234-5 colonial "apprenticeship' (1834-38) Joseph, Frère 136 34, 35,37,42. 54, 78. 147-53 Juntas Protectadoras de Libertados colour terminology 12 "Country Party' 176 Kansas-Nebraska Act (1854) 82 Crown Colony rule 34.36.38, Kelly Smith, William 216, 223, 233-4, decline of planter control 40 Ketelhodt, Custos Baron von 202, 210, democratic politics 175-9 221-2, 231-2 economic, political and civil Kingston,Jamaica 79, 127, 155, 159, grievances (1865) 203-12 185, 186. 190, 191, 223, 229, 232, education 162-4 enfranchisement of the 'free coloureds' Knibb, Rev. William 153-4, 156 (1830) 35 Executive Committee 55 Lamothe, General 229, 233, 234 gradual abolition of slavery 5,33, l'Anse-à-Veau, Haiti 137 35,37, 42 Latin America 7,67,91, 111, 158, House of Assembly 35-6, 41, 50, 54, 243, 55. 56, 77, 155, 156, 158, 176. Wars ofI Independence 159 177, 211, 216, 237, 243, 244 Lazarre, General 130 independence (1962) 5 Lazau, General 137 martial law 34, 242-3 Lecesne, Lewis 75 the military 39 Leeds Parliamentary Reform Association mobile labour force 164 the *Old Representative System' 54 Léogane, Haiti 125 peasant civil agency 147, 161-70 Les Cayes 129, 137 peasant economic agency 146, Lespinasse, Dumai 79,113, 117, 128 147-54 Lesser Antilles 42 peasant freeholds (1840-45) 51 Levasseur, Consul General Charles 75 peasant political agency 146-7, Levien, Sydney 208-9, 216 154-61 Liberal Revolution (1838-43) (Haiti) popular political mobilization 28 13,34,35.41. 72, 97, 111, 112, 119, population by 'colour' and sex (1844 120-28, 174 and 1861) 180 "Liberty Tree' 145 post-emancipation political pressures Liga Antillana 85 Linstant, Baron S. 78 profitability 4-5 London Missionary Society 145, radical vision of democracy 5 165-6 riotous bargaining 179-82 Love, Robert 240 --- Page 288 --- 268 Index Alexander 204 Pan-American Conference (1825) 76 McCylmont, 24.85 Panama Railroad 164 Macco, Antonio Parnther, Rev. Robert 211 Mackenzic. Charles 47-8.54.74.85. Partido Independiente de Color 34.36 McLaren.James 143, 191, 198-201 Peru 8, 178, 240 McLean, Joseph 185 Pétion, President Alexandre 53,56.57, Madiou, Thomas 101, 104-5, 112-13. 74. 76, 93, 97, 98, 126, 129 121-5. 127, 128. 129, 135, 138 Petit-Goave, Haiti 132 Makandal (rebel slave) 52 Pierre, Antoine 137 133, 135 Manifeste de Praslin 121-2, 128 Pierrot, General Jean Louis Mantanzas. slave uprising (1843) 81 Piquet Movement 111. 135-9. 233, March, William Foster 220 242 Rebellion (1844) 10, 34. 126, 129 121-5. 127, 128. 129, 135, 138 Petit-Goave, Haiti 132 Makandal (rebel slave) 52 Pierre, Antoine 137 133, 135 Manifeste de Praslin 121-2, 128 Pierrot, General Jean Louis Mantanzas. slave uprising (1843) 81 Piquet Movement 111. 135-9. 233, March, William Foster 220 242 Rebellion (1844) 10, 34. 111, Marley. Bob 245 Piquet Maroons 25,29,52, 92. 182, 203, 238, 135-9, 241.242 planter control Marx, Karl 84, 90 the decline in planter civil control Maximilian, Ferdinand, Emperor of 56-63 control Mexico 84 the decline of planter economic Maxwell, Rev. 194 46-52 control Mexico 7,84, 178, 240, 244 the decline of planter political Milscent,J.S. 114 52-6 Moline, Jeannot 136-7 defining freedom as a continuous Monroe, President James 73 variable 41-6 Morant Bay Rebellion (1865) 13,34, Plummer-Brydson project 206 35, 50. 56. 72, 84, 101, 138, 143, Police Bill [Jamaica] 54 147, 174, 191. 195, 198-203, 207, "Politique de Doublure' (Mulatto Power) 208, 210, 221. 222, 227, 229-34, 34.35 236, 237, 239, 241-3 Port Antonio. Jamaica 233, 236 Morne-à-Tuf, Haiti 125 Port-au-Prince. Haiti (Port Républicain) Mulatto Power see "Politique de 14,48. 58, 74. 84, 95. 99, 117. 121, Doublure' 122, 124, 125, 133, 137.235 mulatto slaves 31 Lycée National 103, 115 Myalist Revival 147, 168-9 Port-de-Paix 132 Pound Law (Jamaica] 54 Napoleon III 84 Praslin. Haiti 123 National Palace, Haiti 125 Price. George 208.210, 216. 217-18 Native Baptist Church 14, 35, 147, 166, Puerto Rico 81,91 186. 191, 198. 202, 207,217.219. Quakers 20. 148 Nau, Emile 113, 116, 117, 128 Netherlands 22 Redpath,James 82 Newcastle, Duke of 219 Reform Act (1830) 61 Nicaragua 10 Registration of Fire Arms (Jamaica] 54 Nicolas, Louise 137 Revival movements 159, 232, 233 Nonconformist churches 157 Reybaud, Maxime (pen-name Gustave North America 72. 155 d'Alaux) 127, 133, 135-6 Riché, Jean-Baptiste 137 Obeah 135, 168, 169 Roach, Rev. James 186, 223 O'Connell, Daniel 116, 126 Rodney. Thomas 192, 230 Oriente, Cuba 24, 84-5. 245 Rome, imperial 26 Osborn, Robert 77,78 Royal Agricultural Society [Jamaica] Owen, Robert 119,206 Royal Society of Arts [Jamaica] 162 Palmer, Rev. 133, 135-6 Riché, Jean-Baptiste 137 Obeah 135, 168, 169 Roach, Rev. James 186, 223 O'Connell, Daniel 116, 126 Rodney. Thomas 192, 230 Oriente, Cuba 24, 84-5. 245 Rome, imperial 26 Osborn, Robert 77,78 Royal Agricultural Society [Jamaica] Owen, Robert 119,206 Royal Society of Arts [Jamaica] 162 Palmer, Rev. Edwin 191 Russell. Lord John 219 Palmer, Rev. Robert 213 Palmerston, Lord 126 St. David's. Joint-Stock Co. and Society pan-Africanism 80 of Arts 162 --- Page 289 --- Index 269 Saint Domingue (later Haiti) 4-5,8,42. Trinity District Mutual Aid Society St. James and Trelawny Society for the Troy, David 117 Promotion of Industrial Education Twelfth Regiment (Haiti) 135 St. John, Sir Spenser 84 Underhill, Dr Edward Bean 85, 188-9, St. Marc, Haiti 116 190, 193. 194, 204, 205, 208, St. Preux, David 113. 115-16. 117 St. Thomas-in-the-East, Jamaica 41, Underhill Movement (1865) 34,41, 147, 175, 185, 186, 188-95, 201, Saint-Rémy. Lepelletier de 93, 126. 203, 204. 207, 209, 210, 212-13, 128, 138 218, 221-3, 228, 230, 231, 233, 234, Saint-Simon. Claude. Comte de 119 238. 240 "Saints, thc' 20 United Statcs Salmon, John 81, 205, 206 abolition of slavery (1865) 24,36, Salnave. General Sylvain 138, 228, 37. 40 229. 230. 235, 236 Baptist churches 167 Salomon jeune, Lysius 129-30. 135, Bill of Rights 42. 131 137-8, 139. 228, 229, 233. 236, Black Churches 14 Civil Rights Movement 14,29 Salomon family 128, 130, 133. 134. Civil War (1861-65) 34,36,37.1 159, 135, 137 188, 229 Samana 56. 134 Constitution 131 Santo Domingo 120. 133 education of ex-slaves 164 Schoelcher, Victor 104, 105, 107, 114, execution ofJohn Brown 84 116. 117-18, 120 Fourteenth Amendment 7 Scott, Dred 82 government control of emancipation Sewell, William 179 Sham Volunteers' 232 imperialism 240 slave agency 44.66 Jim Crow Laws 34 slave rebellions 25-6 the military 40, 240 Sligo, Marquess of 150 *model' democracy 9 Smith, Governor Sir Lionel 149, 151, radical reconstruction (1865-77) 34, 155-6 Société Congo 108 recognition of Spanish-American Société Real 108 republics 76 Société Souvenance 108 Reconstruction Era 7,22, 174 Society for the Rights of Man and the segregation 22 Citizen [Haiti] 121, 122 South 52, 244 Soulouque, Emperor Faustin 41,83, Universal Negro Improvement 84, 101, 106, 137, 138, 228, Association 37.238 urban slaves 31 South Africa 22 U.S. Supreme Court 7 Ussher, British Consul 118, 121, 122. South America 76,91 125-6. 130-35 South East Asia 23 Spain 24,36, 85,2 230 Act (Jamaical 54 Stevenson, Alexander 156 Vagrant Stony Gut, near Morant Bay,Jamaica Vatican. Rome 104 202, 207, 221, 222,242 Vaz 223 Sturge, Joseph 148, 150 Vickars, Edward 176 193, Sugar Duties Act 55-6, 176 Victoria, Queen 184-7, 192, 198, 206, 219 Taylor, Henry 190, 193, 207 Walker. David 82 Thomas, General 133 Pierre 53. 82, Ward, Rev. Samuel Ringold 222 Toussaint L'Ouverture, Wesleyan Methodist Mission 159, 96, 97 Trinidad & Tobago 62, 160 az 223 Sturge, Joseph 148, 150 Vickars, Edward 176 193, Sugar Duties Act 55-6, 176 Victoria, Queen 184-7, 192, 198, 206, 219 Taylor, Henry 190, 193, 207 Walker. David 82 Thomas, General 133 Pierre 53. 82, Ward, Rev. Samuel Ringold 222 Toussaint L'Ouverture, Wesleyan Methodist Mission 159, 96, 97 Trinidad & Tobago 62, 160 --- Page 290 --- 270 Index West India Bank 176 Wiltshire, Robert 186 Westmoreland Tollgate riots (1859) Wooldridge, John 145 World Anti-Slavery conventions 158 Wilberforce, William 20 Williams.James 148 Zamor, Dugué 136 --- Page 291 --- --- Page 292 --- --- Page 293 --- --- Page 294 --- --- Page 295 --- FLORIOA COMMUNITY COLLEGE AT. JACKSONVILLE LIBRARY 3 3801 01142532 1 DATE RETURN --- Page 296 --- ISBN Pit130-3443-4